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A Political Revelation. 



•V '- ' By the Author of ''The Coming Crown.' ^^^ 



Price, 25 Cents. . . . Cloth, 50 Cents. 

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COPYBIGHTED. 1883, DONNELLY & CO.. PHILADELPHIA.. 







MORRELL BROTHERS, 

Prihtbks, 

•iVi to 324 Carter Street, Philad'i 




A POLITICAL REVELATION. 



I. 

WANTED— AN ISSUE. 

IN 1883, the year preceding the presidential struggle, 
the two great political parties of the Union found 
themselves each in want of an issue. They were before 
the country as the "Ins" and the "Outs" — a matter of 
momentous difference to the army of office-holders 
of the one and the legion of expectant and would-be 
office-holders of the other party ; but a difference, not- 
withstanding, which neither cared or dared appeal to 
the arbitration of the nation at large. The people, 
outside the recognized party leaders who so unselfishly 
spared their followers the task of thinking for them- 
selves and selecting their candidates, manifested no 
extraordinary interest in any of the preliminary moves 
on the political chessboard. The country was mod- 
erately prosperous. Abundant harvests had blessed 



4 Wanted — An Issue. 

the West and South, and created a correspondingly 
gratifying demand for the manufactured products of 
the East and the industrial North. There was a greater 
degree of harmony between the sections that had 
confronted each other in desperate conflict twenty 
years before, than had existed since the war. The 
North had chosen to forget the Ku-Klux outrages, and 
the election frauds and the repudiation meannesses of 
the South, and the South had responded and recipro- 
cated by ignoring the claims of the Sage of Grammercy 
to political martyrdom, had stricken from its school 
text books, "A low mudsill " as the proper definition of 
the word "Yankee," and had even progressed so far in 
enforced forgetfulness of the past, as to refrain from 
calling the Governor of Massachu.setts "Beast Butler" 
more than once in each issue of its leading newspapers. 
Nor did the evidences of hearty good feeling and good 
fellowship end here— the proofs of the millenium were 
something more than negative. The South contributed 
duels between some of its more impulsive fire-eating 
editors to amuse the people of the North ; and Harvard 
College refused the degree of L. L. D. to General Ben- 
jamin F. Butler, the Governor of Massachusetts, in 
deference to Southern opinion and to the intense delight 
of the ladies of the late Confederate States. So much, 
indeed, was this action of the Trustees of Harvard Col- 
lege appreciated by the ladies of the South, that when 
occasions arose thereafter, the name "Harvard" was 
bestowed upon many of the male children born in New 
Orleans and other cities ; and the event would have been 



Wanted — An Issue. 5 

still further honored but that it was found impossible, for 
obvious reasons, to confer upon the female infants the 
name of a distinguished statesman to whose instrumen- 
tality the granting of this signal boon to Southern pride 
and prejudice was very largely due. Under these cir- 
cumstances it will be seen that sectionalism as a political 
issue was dead, and that the Republican party could no 
longer have recourse to waving a certain ensanguined 
garment, which had done such excellent service for them 
in former years ; indeed, had they been so disposed, it 
would have been impossible, as the aforementioned gar- 
ment had been reduced to tatters, from its constant use 
since 1868. Thus deprived of a sectional issue, it was 
necessary to look up the time honored, although tolera- 
bly well worn material, which had done good service in 
party platforms in days gone by. The negro, of course, 
had done excellent service in his day, but there was a 
very general impression on the part of the thinking men 
of both parties that the negro hadn't much to grumble 
about; and, in any event, the Republican party, rank 
and file, had come to the conclusion that it had given 
the negro all he had a right to expect, inasmuch as 
several negroes had been known to have voted the 
Democratic ticket, and some of them had actually dared 
to accept minor offices from Democrats in power. Had 
nothing else taken the negro out of politics, that is, as 
a party issue, these two evidences of ingratitude on his 
part would have sufficed. On the question of national 
finances, the two great parties were equally at peace. 
The stalwart and steadfast devotion of the Republican 



6 Wanted — An Issue. 

party to the principles of honesty and honor in its man- 
agement of the financial affairs of the nation, during its 
reign of power, had born good fruit in the general pros- 
perity and marvelous growth of the country, and in its 
unequalled and unapproachable credit in the money cen- 
tres of the world. No Democrat of any prominence. 
North or South, had been found in 1883 to repeat the 
folly of former years, and, by impeaching the financial 
record of the Republican party, force that as an issue 
and the Greenback party, having been reduced by pov- 
erty and other causes, to eleven members — all of them 
presidential candidates — was hardly in a position to take 
the field with a following in favor of fiat money. 

This, then, was the condition of affairs as they 
affected the two great parties in the Summer of 1883 
On what great vital point, upon which the line of diver- 
gence was clearly drawn between them, could the Re^ 
publican and Democratic parties appeal to the people ? 
At this time there appeared but one — that which was the 
issue during the campaign when Garfield and Hancock 
were the standard bearers of their respective hosts in 
1880, and upon which the Republican tidal wave swept 
from the Pacific slope to the Atlantic shore. It was to 
the profound political acumen and exalted wisdom of 
Henry Watterson, of the Louisville Courier Journal^ in 
placing the "tariff for revenue only," plank in the 
Democratic platform in 1880, that the Republican party 
owed its success. And yet the Republican party, with 
base ingratitude, has never taken a single step to present 
Mr. Watterson with a national testimonial in apprecia- 



Wanted — An Issue. f 

tion of his services. That one line in the Democratic 
declaration of principles in 1880 furnished the Republi- 
can party with a live issue, upon which it could assume 
a bold and aggressive position and once more place the 
Democratic party upon the defensive in a campaign. 
The result is history. And so, recalling the splendid 
triumph of the preceding contest, the Republican 
leaders began in 1883 to so direct events that the 
coming' battle of 1884 could be fought on the tariff 
issue. This, however, proved to be a rather more 
difficult task than had been apprehended. For the first 
time in a decade, the Democracy in 1883 seemed to be 
learning wisdom by experience. The leaders refused to 
commit themselves or their party to a plain and unequiv- 
ocal expression in favor of free trade, thinly disguised 
under the alias of '' a tariff for revenue only ; " and 
when they were not pronounced for a tariff in favor of 
something or other, they dodged the question with that 
conspicuous partiality for dodging that has always been 
so marked a characteristic of the Democratic party. This 
left the Republican party the empty advantage ©f fight- 
ing for something which the Democracy declined to 
oppose. Moreover, outside of Pennsylvania, parts of 
Ohio, some of the manufacturing districts of the New 
England states and New York, and here and there an 
isolated industrial section of the South, many Republi- 
cans themselves were unwilling to go to the extreme 
lengths of the protectionists in the matter of tariff 
legislation. To show how nearly both parties had 
drifted into the same channel — that there was not one 



8 Wanted — An Issue. 

issue of national importance on which they radically 
differed, the platforms adopted by the opposing party 
conventions in Ohio may be quoted : 

The Republican Platform. 

The Republicans of Ohio in state convention assembled, 
adopt the following declaration of principles : 

First. That the Republican party in preserving the life of 
the nation, in giving freedom and equal rights to all its citizens, 
in the reconstruction of the Union, in upholding the national 
honor, in the generous provision made for those who have 
suffered for their country, in keeping the national faith and 
advancing the national credit, in the speedy payment of the 
public debt, in the reduction of national taxation, in the elevation of 
the civil service, in the enactment of a series of wise pubhc measures 
which have given the country unexampled prosperity, has given 
the best assurances of its purposes for the future. 

Second. That the Republican party believe now, as in the 
past, in the maintenance of a tariff system which will provide 
a revenue for the Government, and, at the same time, will 
protect American producers and American labor ; that it is 
opposed to the Democratic doctrine of "a tariff for revenue 
only," because such a doctrine, if enforced, would, of necessity, 
compel American workmen to accept the unremunerative wages 
which are paid their foreign rivals. It looks, with alarm, upon 
the purpose already avowed by the Democratic leaders, that the 
next Congress will revise the tariff by further reducing the duties 
on imports, which, if executed, will unsettle the business of the 
country, and will produce great injury to the mechanics, produ- 
cers and artisans of the land. 

Third. That the wool tariff of 1867 should be restored at 
the first possible opportunity. 

Fourth. That we are in favor of the establishment by 
Congress of a national bureau of labor statistics for the purpose 
of collecting and systematizing all statistics relating to the indus- 
trial, social and sanitary condition of the laboring masses of the 
nation. 

Fifth. That we approve the action of the General Assembly 
of Ohio, in the submission of constitutional amendments in 
relation to the liquor traffic, thus giving an opportunity to the 
people to make such changes in the organic law of the state as 
may be approved by their judgment. 



Wanted — An Issue. 9 

Sixth. That we approve of the taxation of the liquor traffic 
for revenue and for the purpose of providing against the evils 
resulting from such traffic. 

Seventh. That we congratulate the country upon the reduc- 
tion by the last Congress of internal taxes of more than forty 
millions of dollars annually, while, at the same time, the credit of 
the nation is maintained and the steady reduction of the national 
debt is provided for. 

Eighth. That the wise and conservative administration of 
President Arthur meets with the hearty approval of the Republi- 
cans of Ohio. 

Ninth, That we commend the action of the General Assem- 
bly of the state in providing a commission to examine into the 
system of prison contract labor, and we declare ourselves in favor 
of the abolition of said contract system. 

Tenth. That we reiterate the declaration of previous Repub- 
lican conventions in favor of civil service reform, and welcome 
every intelligent effort to make that measure practical, and we 
especially approve the provisions made by the Republican Con- 
gress for giving the patriot soldiers of the late war with the 
proper qualifications the preference for all places under the 
Government. 

Eleventh. That we favor the repeal of the law limiting the 
time within which applications for pensions under the arrears of 
pension act shall be made. 

Twelfth. That the greatly improved condition of the public 
institutions of the state, the successful refunding of the pubhc 
debt at a rate of interest lower than a loan has been placed by 
any other state, the provision for and payment of $i8,ooo.ocx) of 
the public debt, the improved financial condition of the state 
being such that we may reduce the rate of taxation, and, at the 
same time, be amply able to make large expenditures for the 
benefit of the charitable institutions of the state— all this accom- 
plished in the face of what appeared to be an absolute necessity 
under Democratic administration to increase state taxation, attests 
the wisdom, care and economy of the administration of Governor 
Foster, and is an assurance to the people of the state that their best 
interests are to be subserved by the continuance of the Republican 
party in power. 

The Democratic Platform. 

The Democracy of Ohio, in convention assembled, hereby 
affirm the principles of the party as expressed in the primaries 
And in the state and national platforms, in regard to personal 



lo Wanted — An Issue. 

liberty, the true function of good government, and as embraced 
in the poHtical creed expounded by the great founder of the 
Democratic party — Thomas Jefferson. The apphcation of these 
principles to our present condition demands the purification of 
the public service, the punishment of the robbers of the public 
treasury, the equalization of all public burdens, the arrest of the 
profligacy and extravagance that currupt the administration of 
public affairs, and a total change in the policy that has so long 
been pursued by the Republican party, of favoring individual 
and class interest at the expense of the laboring and wealth-pro- 
ducing people of the country, and we reannounce our previous 
declaration for stable money, the gradual extinction of the public 
debt and the payment of pensions to disabled soldiers, their wives 
and orphans. 

Second. We favor a tariff for revenue limited to the necessi- 
ties of a government economically administered and so adjusted 
in its application as to prevent unequal burdens, encourage pro- 
ductive interests at home, and afford just compensation to labor, 
but not to create or foster monopoly. 

Third. The act of the Republican Congress reducing the 
tariff on wool, while at the same time increasing it on woolen 
goods, already highly protected, was iniquitous legislation, dis- 
criminating in favor of monopoly and against the agricultural 
interests of the country, and ought not to have been carried, and 
we heartily approve the action of the Democratic members of the 
Ohio delegation in Congress in voting against that increase. 

Fourth. The Democratic party is, as it always has been, 
opposed to sumptuary legislation and unequal taxation in any 
form, and is in favor of the largec>t liberty of private conduct 
consistent with the public welfare and the rights of others, and of 
regulating the liquor traffic and providing against evils resulting 
therefrom by a judicious and properly graded license system. 

Fifth. The abuses of the present contract system in our 
StatePenitentiary, by which the products of the labor of convicts 
are brought into competition with the products of honest labor, to 
the great detriment of the latter, are injurious and unwise, and 
ought to be corrected, and the promises of the Republican party 
to abolish this system are sure to be false and hypocritical by its 
faflure to do so while it has had. the power. 

Sixth. The protection of the Government is due to all 
American citizens, native and foreign born, abroad as well as at 
home. 

Seventh. We reaffirm the resolutions of the state conven- 
tions of Ohio in 1880, i88i and 1882, and of the Democratic 



Wanted — An Issue. ti 

National conventions of 1872, 1876 and 1880, demanding 
thorough reform and purification of the civil service, and charge 
that the Republican party has violated every pledge it has here- 
tofore given for the reform thereof, and has failed, during its 
long administration of the Government to correct even the most 
crying abuses ; and we demand, therefore, a change in the exe- 
cutive administration of the Government itself as the reform first 
of all necessary, as made more manifest in the recent Star Route 
trials, thereby ousting corrupt rings confederated to protect crime 
and prevent the punishment of criminals, and by so doing to 
make it possible to again punish fraud and thieving in the 
public service. 

The same old story ! The Republican party fell 
back on the war, negro suffrage and its financial record, 
and the Democracy, not be out-done in the matter of 
age, must needs drag poor Thomas Jefferson from his 
grave and rely on what was left of him to help them. 
Apart from the local difference on the liquor question 
there was not, at this time, as a critical examination of 
the platforms shows a single point upon which the 
two parties did not, in the main, agree. There was 
nothing in their declaration of principles to indicate a 
single live issue upon which the battle of '84 would 
be contested ; and, but for the usual platitudes in which 
each party arraigns the other, there was nothing in the 
one platform to which the most ardent partisan of the 
opposing faith could not subscribe. As it was in 
Ohio, so it was in every part of the Union. The masses 
of both parties were drifting from their partisan moor- 
ings, and getting into and out of each others lines at 
will. Appeals to the " Old Flag " had lost their force 
in one direction quite as much as the political materi- 
alization of the spirit of Thomas Jefferson had lost its 



12 



1 

Wanted — An Issue. I 



charm on the other. This state of affairs boded no 
good to the leaders whose hving depended upon their 
abihty to prove that they, and they alone, could save 
the country. There was no principle at stake, and, not 
having anything to contend for or against it was 
becoming difficult to keep the rank and file in the 
party traces. Such was the general political aspect of 
the country in the Summer and Fall of 1883. Let us 
see how it was within the party organizations them- 
selves. 



r 



II. 

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. 

THE Republican party was entrusted by the nation 
with the control of its destinies at the most 
momentous crisis in American history. Buchanan's 
imbecile administration — weak and vacillating when 
not treacherous and treasonable — had by its truckling 
to traitors brought the country to the verge of civil 
war. Abraham Lincoln — the chosen instrument of 
Almighty God — reached Washington to assume the 
presidency of a nation dismayed, distracted, disunited 
and dispairing. Armed Rebellion had raised its bloody 
front and flaunting its flag in every state south of 
Mason and Dixon's line made no secret of its purpose 
to destroy the Republic. The army, weakened and dis- 
heartened by the defection of some of its ablest 
officers, was powerless ; the navy, scattered by the 
orders of a traitor, was in distant seas ; the treasury 
was depleted and the national credit was sinking in 
every part of the world. Worse than all there was in 
the North a large and influential party whose secret 
treason was for a time more dangerous than the open 
hostility of the arrogant and boastful rebels who, in 
contemptuous defiance, had now flung the Confederate 
standard to the breeze. Loyal men stood appalled by 



14 The Republican Party. 

the tremendous possibilities of the future. Then came 
the boom of the traitor's gun fired at the American 
flag on the walls of Sumter ! Hark ! From New Eng- 
land's peaceful hamlets and granite hills ; from the 
factories and workshops and marts of the Empire State ; 
from grand old Pennsylvania's mines and mills ; from 
Ohio's broad and fertile fields ; from the great prairies 
of the boundless West ; from where the pine forests on 
the Northern border moaned in anguish at the insult 
to the flag — from the farthest confines of the North 
are heard the sounds of loyal legions marshaling in 
mighty hosts ! Their march is to the Southland — to 
the Southland to protect the flag, to chastise the 
traitor, to preserve in all its greatness and its grandeur 
the Union of the Fathers. Thank God ! The sound 
of the guns at Sumter had at last awakened the 
slumbrous North and Abraham Lincoln then knew 
that the Union could and would be preserved ! 

Lincoln entered on his mighty work surrounded, 
supported and strengthened by the ablest and best men 
in the nation. The Republican leaders of the time were 
intellectual giants. Mediocrity had no place at the 
front. In the cabinet, in Congress and in the loyal 
states, the men who were chosen leaders were animated 
by the loftiest motives and the purest patriotism. The 
sordid love of gain had not begun to taint them. The 
names of Seward, and Stanton, and Cameron, and 
Sumner, and Curtin, and Morton, and Andrews, and 
Chase, and Dix, and Wade, and Stevens — these, and a 
score of others, prominent in the cabinet, as war gov- 



The Republican Party. 15 

ernors, and as leaders in Congress rise in succession 
as the mind turns to the past. These men led the 
loyalists of the North — the Republican party. Theirs 
was the work of enrolling the great armies, of supplying 
the treasures, of creating a navy ; of thwarting the das- 
tardly designs of ambitious France and perfidious 
Britain — both with unconcealed and exultant expecta- 
tion gloating o'er the disruption of the Union and the 
destruction of the young Republic of the West. And 
they had another work to perform — to keep alive the 
confidence and to maintain and foster the faith of the 
people in the North, in the face of all reverses, in 
the indestructibility of the Union and in the ultimate 
triumph of Loyalty over Treason and of Right over 
Wrong. Abraham Lincoln by the emancipation proc- 
lamation struck the shackles from four millions of 
slaves, and the nation — that is, the Republican party 
— applauded the work. The last act closed at Appo- 
mattox. Grant, and Sherman, and Sheridan — chosen 
chieftains of the warriors for the Union, had finished 
their task, and Rebellion, crushed and baffled and 
bleeding, lay prostrate beneath the iron heel of the 
victorious North. Lincoln, his work finished, his 
country saved, his destiny fulfilled, laid down his cross 
to take up the martyr's crown. Andrew Johnson, the 
Judas Iscariot of his party, became president and with 
his "My Policy " the nation was in danger of losing 
all that it cost four years of bloody war, hundreds of 
thousands of lives, and hundreds of millions of dollars 
to preserve. For some inscrutable reason Heaven 



1 6 The Republican Party. 

permitted Andrew Johnson to escape his just deserts — 
the impeachment trial failed. Then came another epoch 
in the history of the party — Ulysses S. Grant, the 
soldier-saviour of the Union was called to the presi- 
dential chair. The Republican party now applied 
itself to the task of accomplishing three great works- 
(i) The reconstruction of the South, (2) the estab- 
lishing of the political and social status of the negro, 
and (3) the adjustment of the public debt and the 
restoration of the national credit. These great prob- 
lems, requiring in their solution such firmness and yet 
such moderation, were practically solved at the close 
of the first presidential term of General Grant. But 
the finality of their solution was threatened, and the 
country wisely gave Grant a second term in which to 
so finish the work that it could never be successfully 
assailed. Grant's second administration accomplished 
this, but it did more : it developed unexpected dangers 
to the party and to the nation at large. For sixteen 
years the Republican party had been in power. 
Within its ranks had grown up a vast army of office- 
holders whose claims to preferment were based solely on 
party fealty. Unscrupulous carpet baggers in the South 
and dishonest officials in the North, both calling them- 
selves Republicans, were dragging to the dirt the fair 
fame and good name of the party to which they 
claimed to belong. Some of these men were high in 
place and power, and demanded exemption from the 
penalty of their crimes on account of their party ser- 
vices. These men were like a millstone around the 



The Republican Party. 17 

neck of the party, and the people began to murmur, 
and fpfget their gratitude for the good deeds cf the 
party in the past in their just indignation against some 
of its leaders for their misdeeds of the present. Had 
the party grappled with the abuses within its ranks 
at this time, it would have done well; but it did not, 
and from that day the decadence of Republican power 
began. Rutherford B. Hayes succeeded Grant. Hayes 
was a political accident — a goody-goody sort of person, 
meaning well as a rule, but never doing anything par- 
ticularly good or particularly bad. He was governed 
throughout by his wife, an estimable woman of strong 
qualities, except her penchant for Sunday Schools and 
her weakness for lemonade. Hayes gave the country 
an administration that began without anxiety, progressed 
without incident and terminated without regret. In the 
meantime Grant, having completed his tour of the 
world, began to loom up as a candidate for a third 
term, and soon became the most formidable aspirant 
for the nomination. His supporters were skillfully 
organized, admirably generaled, bold and confident. 
Three United States Senators — Conkling of New York, 
Cameron of Pennsylvania, and Logan of Illinois — his 
champions in their respective states, led his cohorts 
in the Chicago convention and presented there a phalanx 
without a parallel in political history. John Sherman 
of Ohio, and James G. Blaine of Maine, were his 
opponents, but neither the place-purchased support of 
the followers of the one, nor the personal devotion of 
the admirers of the other availed to secure for their 



1 8 The Republican Party. 

favorite the nomination. Grant's solid 306 column 
never wavered in its devotion ; but a break in the lines 
of his rivals and the sudden concentration of the oppo- 
sition upon a hitherto unheard-of candidate, secured for 
James A. Garfield of Ohio the glittering prize, and 
made him the next president of the United States. 
Garfield's victory was the signal for a break in the 
solid front of the Republican party. By the most 
strenuous efforts, however, a temporary truce was effected 
and this lasted until Garfield had taken his place in 
the chair vacated by Rutherford B. Hayes. Garfield 
summoned James G. Blaine to his cabinet as premier. 
This precipitated the crisis. Open war was declared 
between the factions. Roscoe Conkling of New York, 
was the chosen leader of that faction who believed in 
spoils and place atid who distinguished themselves by 
the name of Stalwarts ; their opponents — the adminis- 
tration supporters, — they elegantly termed Half-Breeds. 
The demand of Senator Conkling to be considered 
the dispenser in-chief of the Federal offices in the State 
of New York — he kindly allowing the president to 
sign the commissions of the appointees, — was, despite 
the implied consequences, refused by President Garfield. 
The result was awful. Roscoe Conkling arose, and with 
a tread that shook the continent, marched out of the 
United States Senate — and went to the State of New 
York asking to be sent back again. He was accom- 
panied by his colleague, a Mr. Piatt, an alleged Senator 
who had never been heard of before and who hasn't 
been heard of since. On the morning of July 2, 1882, 



The Republican Party. 19 

President Garfield, one of the noblest and best of 
American statesmen, was stricken down by the bullet 
of a cowardly assassin at Washington, and after months 
of lingering agony, died at Elberon, New Jersey, on 
September 19th, of the same year. He was succeeded 
in the presidential chair by Chester A. Arthur, whose 
administration brings the history of the Republican 
party down to the present year. On assuming the 
duties of his high office, President Arthur entered upon 
a wise, careful and conservative policy. Giving aid 
and comfort to neither Stalwart nor Half-Breed, he so 
administered the internal affairs of the nation as to win 
the cordial support and sincere respect of the people 
at large. The foreign policy of the administration was 
however, lamentably weak and pusillanimous. Under 
the preceding administration Secretary of State Blaine 
had inaugurated a policy calculated to secure for the 
American flag admiration at home and respect abroad. 
Blaine, with profound sagacity, had looked ahead and 
anticipated the danger that would result from European 
nations obtaining a preponderance of power in South 
America ; and, to maintain the influence of the Republic, 
had begun negotiations with the South American nations 
looking to concerted action on the part of the ruling 
powers of the Western continent. These negotiations 
were pending when Secretary Frelinghuysen — a res- 
pectable mediocrity from somewhere in New Jersey, 
was called upon to assume office as Blaine's successor. 
Frelinghuysen made haste to humiliate the American 
flag in South America by causing the properly accred- 



20 The Republican Party. 

ited diplomatic representatives to be laughed at as per- 
sons who did not know their instructions, and he 
then directly reversed the policy of his predecessor. 
This was the beginning of the blunders and it was hardly 
to be wondered after such an occurrence that shiploads of 
pauper and criminal emigrants were allowed to land in 
American ports in defiance of public opinion without 
anything like a firm and resolute protest from the Secre- 
tary of State. Such remonstrances as this feeble person 
Frelinghuysen saw fit to make — when he had mustered 
courage enough to do something — were laughed at and 
ridiculed on the other side of the Atlantic — and the 
deluge of destitution continued on this. 

The Republican party had evidently finished its 
work. It had fought the war and saved the Union ; 
it had freed the negro and clothed him with the 
mantle of citizenship ; it had largely reduced the na- 
tional debt and refunded it at a minimum interest ; it had 
made a greenback dollar the equivalent of its face value 
in gold ; it had restored the states lately in rebellion 
to their place in the Republic ; it had cared for the 
soldier and aided the widow and educated the orphan 
of the heroes who gave their lives for their country. 
Such was its record. And it had nothing of its 
mighty mission left unfulfilled ; the purpose for which 
it was called into being was accomplished ; its life work 
was ended. Its Lincolns and its Garfields and its Sum- 
ners and its Stantons and its Sewards — all had passed 
away. A race of political tricksters and place hunters 
had succeeded to the heritage of the patriot and the 



The Republican Party. 21 

statesman. The Chandlers and the Robesons and the 
Derseys and the Bradys and the Kelloggs, and others 
of their calibre, sat in the high councils of the party 
and of the nation. Their ambition was place and their 
aim pelf They were bound together for the accom- 
plishment of no great purpose. Confessed thieves, 
shallow tricksters, and clever charletans had risen to 
command, and honest worth, sincere patriotism and po- 
litical purity were no longer requirements for party 
honors. And so as the year 1883 passed away, the 
once grand Republican party was seen to exist only 
for the benefit of banded ringsters and place hunters, 
who used its historic name to further their own selfish 
purposes, and who were held together by the cohesive 
power of public plunder. 



Ill, 

THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY. 

IF there were any truth in the oft-repeated assertion, 
which has been reiterated at stated intervals for a 
generation past, that the Democratic party was dead and 
buried without hope of resurrection here or of salva- 
tion hereafter, there would be no necessity for this 
chapter. But a careful and dispassionate inquiry as to 
the truth of the statement leads to the belief — es- 
pecially in the light of certain results in New York and 
Pennsylvania in the year 1882 — that the Democratic 
party is really not dead. The persistence with which it 
insists upon clinging to life is most extraordinary, and 
suggests the necessity for an examination into the causes 
which produce this remarkable and abnormal longevity. 
Such an examination leads to the conclusion that the 
vitalizing spirit of the Democratic party is in its name, 
and that it is to its name alone that it owes its existence. 
If the name " Democratic" were taken from the party, 
it would speedily revolve itself into its intergral frac- 
tions, no two of which hold the same political doctrine. 
On one point alone are the heterogenous and discordant 
elements united — in a blind devotion to the name 
" Democrat" and a consequent veneration for the me- 
mory of Andrew Jackson — who is always more or less 



The Democratic Party. 23 

honored by complimentary votes at every presidential 
election. 

Without going into ancient history — which is, per- 
haps, unfair to a party that has always made its strong" 
points on ancient history — a brief review of the Demo- 
cratic party may well be begun at the Charlestown 
Convention of i860. For months, and indeed for years 
before, the party had been gradually dividing into two 
irreconcilable and hostile factions. The attitude of the 
Southern Democracy — then possessing a larger propor- 
tion of the brains as it did of the voting strength of 
the party, was offensive and dictatorial. On the other 
hand, the leaders of the party in the North were firm 
in their determination not to allow the programme of 
the Southern men to be carried out. The result was 
the bolt, after one of the bitterest political struggles on 
record, of a considerable portion of the delegates ; an 
adjourned convention which subsequently met at Balti- 
more, and the nomination of two rival Democrat tickets 
— Douglas and Johnson on the one hand, and Breckin- 
bridge and Lane on the other. In the meantime a 
smaller fragment of the party, which opposed the de- 
signs of the secessionist Democrats, but which, except 
in its devotion to the cause of the Union had nothing 
in common with the Abolitionists, then becoming merged 
in the Republican party — nominated a third ticket bear- 
ing the names of Bell and Everett The supporters of 
Bell and Everett were mainly Democrats drawn from 
the old American party, and were known as the Union 
party. There were thus three more or less Democratic 



24 The Democratic Party. 

tickets in the field opposing the Republican ticket bear- 
ing the names of Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin. 
The Republican party proved victorious ; Lincoln was 
elected, and shortly after the war of the rebellion began. 
With that large and solid section of the Democracy 
which carried its doctrines to their inevitable conse- 
quences, and which for four years stood arrayed in line 
of battle against the government of their country, this 
book has nothing to do ; they had the courage of their 
convictions, and, however mistaken in their principles, 
they had the manhood to bravely fight to maintain them. 
In the North the Democracy divided again into two 
factions — one outspoken and earnest in its loyalty to 
the flag and in its devotion to the Union — the other 
bitter, treacherous and malignant in its deadly enmity to 
the government, and in its opposition to the war. These 
two factions were known as War Democrats and Copper- 
heads. The former furnished thousands and tens of 
thousands of loyal and brave soldiers to the Union 
armies ; the latter regretted the victories won by those 
armies and exulted in their defeats. It was the virulent 
hostihty of the Northern Copperheads to the National 
cause that has cast upon the Democratic party that 
opprobrium which over a score of years has not sufficed 
to entirely efface. In 1864 the Democracy nominated 
General George B. McClellan for president. He was 
overwhelmingly defeated and Abraham Lincoln re-elect- 
ed, the people of the North apprehending in the event 
of a Democratic victory the supremacy of the Copper- 
head anti-war element of the party, and a consequent 



The Democratic Party. 25 

cowardly and dishonorable surrender of the Union 
cause. The war was fought to a victorious close. 
Lincoln had been assassinated and Andrew Johnson, 
the political apostate, had taken his place in the presi- 
dential chair. Johnson's gradual but complete betrayal 
of the Republican party followed, and was hailed with 
delight by the Democracy, north and south. Now that 
the war was over they were more united and all the 
elements joined in common support of the man whose 
"My Policy" was complete surrender of the National 
cause to the forces that had conspired to betray and 
destroy it. Such Democrats — and there were numbers 
of them — who repudiated this unholy alliance, abjured 
their party faith and became Republicans. The De- 
mocracy, consistent in their course, fought the Republi- 
can measures for the unification of the country at every 
step. In 1868 they nominated, with the hearty consent, 
support and approval of the Southern wing of the party, 
Seymour and Blair. Horatio Seymour was a man of 
commanding ability, but he went into the race handi- 
capped by the memory of a speech made to the draft 
rioters of New York in which he addressed them as 
" my. friends." Seymour and Blair were defeated by 
tremendous majorities, and Grant and Colfax, the Re 
publican candidates, elected. During the ensuing four 
years the attitude of the Democratic party was that of 
uncompromising hostility to all of the Republican 
measures for the reconstruction of the Southern States, 
for the enfranchisement of the negro and for the pay- 
ment of the public debt in the letter and spirit in which 



26 The Democratic Party. 

it was contracted. Their principles repudiated and re- 
jected again and again by the Northern people, the 
Democratic party, hungering for office and power, and 
conscious that no candidate tainted with an anti-war 
record could be elected — began apparently to experience 
a change of heart about the year 1870. They were con- 
strained at last to admit that the war had been won by 
the North instead of by the South, that the Union had 
been preserved and that slavery had been abolished for- 
ever in the United States. With this change of heart 
began a course of stultification without a parallel, and 
two years later — in 1872 — the party nominated Horace 
Greeley, editor of the New York Tribtme for president, 
and for the first time in its history began to spell negro 
with only one g. Strange transformation wrought by 
time ! The Democratic party which had advocated the 
extension of slavery, which had denounced the war as 
an attack on the slaveholder, which had opposed eman- 
cipation and which had fought, inch by inch, all 
legislation tending to secure for the negro his political 
and social rights — this same Democratic party nomin- 
ated for its president Horace Greeley, the idol of the old 
Abolitionists, the editor of the New York Tribune — the 
oracle and organ, during the war, of the Republican 
party, — and the man upon whose head a price was set 
by Southern members of the party that now honored 
him, but a few years before ! This amazing stultification 
by the Democratic party was paralleled by equal stultifi- 
cation on the part of its candidate, and Horace Greeley 
accepted the nomination at the hands of a party of 



The Democratic Party. 27 

which, in the past, he had been the bitterest and most 
uncompromising opponent, and whose principles and 
poh'cy he had derided, denounced and despised. He 
was defeated and died of a broken heart shortly after. 
Four years passed away during which the Democracy 
in the South amused themselves by organizing Ku-Klux 
clubs, and by the invention of an ingenious labor-saving 
device to facilitate the manufacture of party majorities. 
The success of this device — which was known as the 
tissue ballot — was so marked and instantaneous that it 
was forthwith adopted by every Southern state where 
the Democracy had control. In the North the party 
passed the time in sackcloth and ashes, and abused 'the 
Republicans on general principles, having nothing else 
to do In 1876, Samuel J. Tilden of New York, was 
nominated for President, and the party put forth the 
most tremendous effort it had made since the war. 
Tilden, the shrewdest and most unscrupulous politician 
of his time — cold, calculating and crafty, managed the 
campaign with signal ability, and was elected by a large 
popular majority. Owing, however, to the political cor- 
ruption prevailing in some of the Southern states, the 
Republicans had good ground for contesting the result, 
and did so with marked success. Tilden, with fatal 
hesitancy and indecision, proved weak when he should 
have been strong, and his party leaders were no match 
for the brainy, bold and daring conspirators who 
managed the Republican case in the states of Louisiana 
and Florida, and who by their unblushing effrontery, 
their lavish use of money, and their support by the 



28 The Democratic Party. 

strong arm of the national government, succeeded in 
saving these states for their candidate. The result was 
that Rutherford B. Hayes was declared elected by an 
electoral commission, the decision being reached by a 
strict party vote of eight to seven. The Democracy for 
the ensuing four years paraded Tilden as a political 
martyr, and arraigned Hayes as a fraudulent president, 
and the history of the party during this period may be 
described as a prolonged whine. Major General Winfield 
Scott Hancock, of the United States Army — a gallant 
and chivalrous officer was, four years later — in 1880 — 
the nominee of the party for presidential honors ; but his 
popular strength was neutralized by his colleague on 
the ticket — English of Indiana — a hard, mechanical per- 
son of penurious habits, who had nothing redeeming in 
his character to win respect or awaken enthusiasm. The 
party, moreover, incorporated in its platform a " tariff for 
revenue only," plank, and thus gave the Republicans 
ground for a strong and aggressive campaign in advo- 
cacy of protection for American industry, which it was 
alleged was imperilled by this Democratic deliverance in 
favor of free trade. The Democratic ticket was beaten 
from Maine to California, and the party doomed to exile 
from the promised land of power for four years more. 
Such is the history of the party ; it is not a history of 
which to be proud. Briefly summarized it shows that 
the party opposed the war, opposed emancipation, op- 
posed reconstruction on the basis upon which recon- 
struction was effected, opposed negro suffrage, opposed 
the civil rights bill, opposed the payment of the national 



The Democratic Party. 29 

debt in accordance with the dictates of the national 
honor, and opposed protection to American industry in 
so far as that protection was secured by tariff — in short 
it opposed every measure that in the opinion of a large 
majority of the people tended to the greatness, peace and 
prosperity of the Republic. Thus, at the beginning of 
the year 1884, stood the record of the Democratic party 
for nearly a quarter of a century. That it did not 
oppose something or other then, was because the Repub- 
lican party had nothing left to advocate or affirm. On 
the tariff question there was no unanimity of opinion. 
The party was for protection in the East and for free 
trade in the West. This being the case, and having ac- 
cepted in good faith the results of the war — such accept- 
ance being inevitable in the face of accomplished facts — 
the Democratic party found itself without a single 
measure of national importance upon which to chal- 
lenge the Republicans in the coming campaign. They 
could, of course, always rely upon two planks of an 
orthodox Democratic platform — an expression of vener- 
ation for the principles of Thomas Jefferson, and a 
strong condemnation of" the great fraud of '76." But it 
became apparent about this time that the people had 
grown tired of ancient history, and the party leaders 
began to cast about for something new upon which a 
candidiite might hope to run with some chance of 
success. 



IV. 

REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES. 

THE Republican presidential crop was unusually 
promising at the close of the year 1883. Both 
wings of the party by applying themselves sedulously 
to its cultivation had succeeded, not only in securing 
ample supplies for immediate wants, but enough to last 
for a number of months to come. The several varieties 
were well represented. Some of the Early Seedlings 
were touched by the frost, but the Hardy Annuals were 
in fine condition. Favorite Sons looked better than 
for several years, and that popular variety, the Nation's 
Choice, was reported up to the usual standard in Ohio 
and some of the other states. Under these gratifying 
circumstances, the party leaders were remarkably san- 
guine in their anticipations, and cheerfully and hopefully 
answered the conundrum, "What will the harvest be?" 
A careful inquiry as to the amount of available presi- 
dential timber at this time, showed that the attention of 
the party had been directed to the following more or 
less distinguished statesmen : 

Adams, Charles Francis, Jr., Massachusetts. 

Allison, William, Iowa. 

Arthur, Chester A., New York. 

Blaine, James G., Maine. 

Conger, Omar D., Michigan. 



Republican Candidates. 31 

CoNKLiNG, ROSCOE, New York. 
Crook, Gen. George, Ohio. 
CuLLOM, Shelby M. Illinois. 
Davis, David, Illinois. 
Edmunds, George F., Vermont. 
EvARTS, William M., New York. 
Fairchild, Lucius, Wisconsin. 
FoRAKER, Joseph B., Ohio. 
Foster, Charles, Ohio. 
Frelinghuysen, Fred'k T., New Jersey. 
Grant, Ulysses S., New York. 
Gresham, Walter Q., Indiana. 
Hale, Eugene, Maine. 
Halsey, George A., New Jersey. 
Harrison, Benjamin, Indiana. 
Hawley, Joseph R., Connecticut. 
HoYT, Henry M., Pennsylvania. 
Kasson, John A., Iowa. 
Lincoln, Robert T., Illinois, 
Logan, John A., Ilhnois. 
Low, Seth, New York. 
MacVeagh, Wayne, Pennsylvania. 
Miller, Samuel F., Iowa. 
Oglesby, Richard J., 'Illinois. 
Phelps, William Walter, New Jersey. 
Porter, Albert G., Indiana. 
Potts, Frederick A., New Jersey. 
Raum, Green B., Illinois. 
Seward, Clarence A., New York. 
Sheridan, Philip H., Ohio. 
Sherman, John, Ohio. 
Sherman, Gen. William T., Ohio. 
Teller, Henry M., Coloraao. 
Washburne, Elihu B., Illinois. 
Wilson, James F., Iowa. 
Windom, William, Minnesota. 



32 Republican Candidates. 

With such an imposing array from which to make 
a selection, it was now clearly evident that the party 
would have no difficulty in finding a candidate ; the diffi- 
culty, it was apparent, would be in selecting a candidate 
who combined in himself all the elements of personal 
and party strength, and who could be depended upon 
not not only to poll the full party vote, but also, by 
reason of his inherent popularity, to gain accessions 
from the ranks of the opposition. Measured by these 
requirements, there were but few in the entire list who 
reached the standard of availability for the first place 
on the ticket, and at this time it was felt that there were 
only half a dozen or so names worthy of serious con- 
sideration. There were Arthur, Blaine, Edmunds, 
Grant, Harrison, Lincoln, John Sherman, and Wash- 
burne. All of these had their eyes fixed on the future 
and were closely watching events ; but not one of the 
number had come out openly and announced himself a 
candidate who desired the nomination. They were dis- 
tant and coy and each, through his friends, labored to 
convey the impression that he hadn't thought of the 
presidency ; didn't really want it and, in fact, hadn't quite 
made up his mind that he would accept it even if the 
unanimous voice of his party in National Convention 
were to insist that it be presented to him on a golden 
salver. To their credit be it said, however, they were 
all willing to sacrifice themselves " for the good of the 
people." It may be proper here to submit the following 
table, taken some months before, of the comparative 
strength of each of the gentlemen named. 



Republican Candidates. 



33 



THE REPUBLICAN PREFERENCES 


— ] 


L8{J 


^. 




















STA.TES. 


1 
■§ 

^ 


1 


4 

J 


1 


s 


1 


8 

1 




1 
1 


1 

1 


t 
g 

1 


a 


1 


1 


i 
1 


i 




•2 


AlaLama 




3 




4 

1 














1 


Arkansas , 




...1 1 






1 






1 




















California 


3 




















Colorado 




















- 


















Connecticut 




4 
1 
1 
4 
2 

"3 

4 


1 
2 
4 
















1 
















Delaware . 


1 


2 
3 












•— 


















Florida 








1 
















1 




1 


Georgia 


























fi 


Illinois 


3 

2 
7 
1 
3 










1 
4 






















1 


Indiana 




1 




1 






















lOwa 














2 












Kansas 


1 
3 


"i 


1 


1 














2 










Kentucky 


















Louisiana 


























?. 


Maine 


6 
2 


3 


1 






























Maryland 


1 
1 































Massachusetts 


























2 


Michigan 


1 
3 
1 
2 
6 
1 
2 
5 
16 
2 
2 
1 
14 




1 


1 


1 






















Minnesota 


















1 




Mississippi 


6 


1 




1 
























1 


Missouri 


3 2 


1 
1 


2 
























Nebraska 




3 
























Nevada 


























New Hampshire 


1 
2 
4 
3 
2 

i 

1 
2 
1 
2 




































New Jersey 










1 

1 


1 
1 
























New York 


17 
1 


... 


1 

1 

8 


1 








2 




.... 


1 








North Carolina ^ 












2 


Ohio 






1 








1 
















Oregon 


1 
2 




























Pennsylvania 








1 




































1 






















S >uth Carolina 




2 
1 

1 
3 

1 


1 




























1 




1 
7 


2 




2 

1 




2 






















Texas 




















3 








... 


























Virginia 


7 
3 
1 


1 
1 

1 


2 
































West Virginia 


VA 


























Wisconsin 








3 




















































Total 


10364 


57V^19 


17 


14 


12^ 


12 


6 


4 


4 


2 


2 


2 


2 


1 


1 


1 


20 



RECAPITULATION. 



Blaine 103 

Arthur 64 

Edmunds 57J^ 

Grant 19 

John Sherman 17 

Logan ,. 14 

Lincoln U}-^ 

Harrison 12 

W. T. Sherman 6 

No Expression. 



Gresham 4 

Fairchild 4 

Hawley 2 

Cornell 2 

Allison 2 

S. F. Miller ; 2 

Sheridan 1 

Folger 1 

Windom 1 



.20 



New York Times. July Uth, '86, 



34 Republican Candidates. 

It will be seen that even at this early day, James G. 
Blaine of Maine, was clearly the choice, if not of a 
majority of his party, at least of such a large and influ- 
ential minority, as to place him head and shoulders over 
all competitors. His strength was in the great Repub- 
lican states, where he had a clear majority over all the 
other candidates combined , while there were only 
eleven states in which his name was not mentioned as 
first choice. Of these eleven, Alabama, Arkansas, 
Colorado, Louisiana, Massachusetts, and South Caro- 
lina, expressed a preference for him for second choice, 
while there were but five states — Connecticut, Florida, 
Georgia, Rhode Island, and Vermont — in which his 
name does not appear to have commanded attention. 
In two of these states — Florida and Georgia, both 
Democratic — Republican sentiment was mainly con- 
trolled by office-holders of stalwart persuasion, and 
hence their preference for Arthur and Grant. Vermont 
as a matter of course, gave her whole voice for her 
favorite son, Edmunds. In Rhode Island it was 
believed that Blaine "was not in the race;" and Con- 
necticut appears to have been too much concerned in 
figuring on the chances of Democratic success, to have 
had any time to speculate on Blaine as a Republican 
candidate. At this time Blaine had been out of public 
life for nearly two years — a long time for an aspirant for 
presidential honors to be absent from the glare of that 
fierce white light that beats upon a public man in the 
United States. He had been quietly engaged in 
literary pursuits, and there were no indications that 



Republican Candidates, 



35 



those pursuits had taken the direction of a "bureau." 
He had made no effort to attract attention, and had, it 
was generally supposed, withdrawn from the race for 
presidential honors. Under these circumstances, there 
was no mistaking the feeling of the party in paying him 
this spontaneous and generous tribute, and it was clearly 
evident that Republicans north, south, east, and west, 
had already begun the work of concentrating upon 
James G. Blaine for next president of the United 
States. 

Chester A. Arthur apparently ranked next in the 
esteem of his party, if the total number of preferences 
expressed for him be regarded as sufficient evidence of 
the fact. But an analysis of the figures shows that at 
this time Arthur had but little positive strength. Of the 
64 votes recorded in his favor, 36, over one-half, were 
from Southern states. In his own state of New York, 
he was the choice of only 4 out of 44 votes — in other 
words, assuming the figures given to represent the party 
feeling with reasonable accuracy, of not quite one-tenth 
of his party. In the great Republican states of Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio, Illinois, Iowa, Michigan, and Minnesota, 
only 5 votes of a total of 69 were cast in his favor. In 
California, Colorado, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, 
Nebraska, Nevada, Oregon, and Vermont, he was not 
even mentioned. When it is considered that Arthur 
at this time was commending himself to all sections 
by his wise and conservative domestic policy, it will 
be seen that he was amazingly weak as a presidential 
candidate. 



36 Republican Candidates. 

Senator Edmunds of Vermont, showed up better, 
although in fourteen of the states he does not appear 
to have been thought of for first choice. These states 
were Alabama, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Ken- 
tucky, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, Nevada, New Hamp- 
shire, New Jersey, Ohio, Rhode Island, and Wisconsin. 
Of the other states, there were three — Arkansas, New 
York and . Vermont, — in which he led as presidential 
choice, but in two of these (Arkansas 4 to 6, and New 
York 17 to 27), he was in the minority as compared 
with the combined strength of the other favorites. 
Vermont honored him with her entire vote, and he 
appeared as the only candidate who was thus honored 
by the state of which he was the " favorite son." It is 
further noticeable that in nearly all the Republican states, 
while he was largely in the minority, there was yet 
some expression of opinion in his favor. 

Ulysses S. Grant appeared at this time to be 
entirely out of the race, only 19 out of 344 voices being 
in his favor. Of the 19 preferences expressed, 17 were 
from Southern or Democratic states, and but one from 
an assuredly Republican state — Iowa. In the three 
great states of New York, Pennsylvania, and Illinois, 
whose stalwart leaders had kept their delegations prac- 
tically solid for him in the Chicago convention, not 
one single Republican appeared to have expressed a 
preference for him as a presidential candidate. 

John Sherman, of Ohio, showed strength in but one 
Republican state — his own — where he was in party 
favor in the proportion of 8 to 12 for first place. The 



Republican Candidates. 37 

remaining nine expressions in his favor, were mainly 
from Democratic states. 

John A. Logan, of lUinois, was the apparent favor- 
ite of one-half of his party in his own state, but in the 
remaining thirty-seven states, only seven voices were 
raised for him, and only three of them were from states 
in the Republican column. 

Robert T. Lincoln's strength was nowhere promi- 
nent. Twelve votes were in his favor, but in no one 
state did he have over two admirers; while in twenty- 
eight, he was not taken into consideration at all. 

Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, had four voices 
raised for his boom in his own state — one-third of the 
total number heard from. 

It is hardly worth the space to enlarge upon the 
remainder of the list. It speaks for itself Most of 
the other names were simply honored as favorite sons 
in their several states. Some of them were of men of 
very light calibre whose candidacy was never considered 
as a serious possibilty, and who, possessing neither 
local nor general strength, had no chance had they 
remained in the field. Most of them dropped out of 
sight, each with the melancholy satisfaction that his 
obituary notice, when it comes to be written, would 
recall to an unappreciative people the fact that he was 
"once mentioned in connection with the presidential 
nomination." 



V. 

DEMOCRATIC CANDIDATES. 

THE number of statesmen in the Democratic party 
who cherish the hope of one day receiving the 
nomination for president, has never been determined 
with absolute accuracy. This is to be deplored, 
because if such a statement were in existence, it would 
afford a basis upon which to calculate the total vote of 
the party at any given time. Deducting the strength of 
that large and influential section, which, by a constitu- 
tional provision, is debarred from the luxury of presiden- 
tial aspiration, the remainder will be found to represent 
the number of Democratic candidates, and consequently 
the entire number of voters of American birth in the 
party. This wise and beneficent provision of Democratic 
nature, by which a large and assorted stock of presi- 
dential candidates is constantly kept on hand, gives the 
party an advantage, the importance of which is not easily 
overestimated. Apart from its practical value in secur- 
ing cohesion in the party up to the hour of election, 
it affords an admiring world the sublime spectacle of a 
band of patriots, any one of whom, in a noble spirit of 
self-abnegation, is willing to sacrifice himself on the altar 
of duty and resigning the joys and comforts of private 
station, accept office with all its trials and tribulations. 
It was therefore somewhat surprising that at the close 
of the year 1883, only forty statesmen had been men- 



Demcx^ratjc Candidates, ^9 

tioned as Democratic candidates for the presidency. 
This was explained by the fact that several of the states 
merely mentioned one or two favorite sons as examples 
of all the rest, and that some of the back counties had 
failed to forward returns as requested. Excluding the 
name of Andrew Jackson, in whose favor preferences 
were expressed in Bucks County, Pa., Posey County, 
Ind., and Jackson, Miss., the following members of the 
party were represented as being the choice of a more or 
less considerable number of admirers in their own and 
other states for the presidential nomination. 

Bayard, Thomas F., Delaware. 
Black, Jere S., Pennsylvania. 
Brown, Joseph E., Georgia. 
Butler, Benjamin F., Massachusetts. 
Carlisle, John G., Kentucky. 
Cleveland, Grover, New York. 
Kelly, John, New York. 
McClellan, George B., New York. 
McDonald, Joseph E., Indiana. 
Morrison, William R., Illinois. 
NiBLACK, William E., Indiana. 
Palmer, John M., Illinois. 
Cox, Samuel S., New York. 
Dana, Charles A., New York. 
Davis, David, Illinois. 
Eaton, William W., Connecticut. 
English, William H., Indiana. 
Field, Stephen J., California. 
Flower, Roswell P., New York. 
Hancock, Winfield S., Pennsylvania. 
Harrison, Carter H., Illinois. 
Hendricks, Thomas A., Indiana. 



4© Democratic Candidates. 

Hewitt, Abram S., New York. 

HoADLY, George, Ohio. 

HoLMAN, William S., Indiana. 

Jewett, Hugh J., New York. 

Parker, Joel, New Jersey. 

Pattison, Robert E., Pennsylvania. 

Payne, Henry B., Ohio. 

Pendleton, George H., Ohio. 

Randall, Samuel J., Pennsylvania. 

Randolph, Theodore F., New Jersey. 

Thurman, Allen G., Ohio. 

Tilden, Samuel J., New York. 

Trumbull, Lyman, Illinois. 

Trunkey, John, Pennsylvania. 

Vilas, William F., Wisconsin. 

VooRHEES, Daniel W., Indiana. 

Wallace William A., Pennsylvania. 

WiTBECK, William F., Indiana. 
The list was certainly an imposing one. It pos- 
sessed everything to entitle it to respect ; and in the 
matter of age — as exemplified by the venerable relic 
who, in 1876 or 1776, whichever it was, led his party so 
nearly to victory — it was equalled by few and excelled by 
none of the lists ever presented to the American people. 
It included the names of some of the brainiest men in 
the party — men who by their personal strength, political 
power, and wise and statesmanlike qualities honored the 
party to which they belonged. It will be of interest to 
note the relative strength of the candidates at this time, 
the estimate being according to the same authority which 
secured a similar and simultaneous computation in the 
case of the Republican party. The table of comparative 
strength is as follows : 



Democratic Candidates. 



41 



THE DEMOCRATIC 


; PREFERENCES 


.- 


-1883 




















STATES. 


i 




e 

0; 


1 
1 


01 


i 
1 


I 


a 


^ 


1 




■•0 






1 

1 








1 


Alabama 




4 
6 




1 




1 




Arkansas ...., 


4 


















California 








4 




























Colorado 


1 
1 


1 
2 


































Connecticut 










1 


























Delaware 


3 
1 
1 






























Florida 




3 

2 
2 
8 
1 
1 
5 
1 

"2' 








1 
1 


























Georgia 


5 

2 
8 
6 
4 

1 


1 

1 






















3 


Illinois 




























Indiana 
























1 


Iowa 




1 




1 


























1 


Kansas 
























1 




Kentucky 

Louisiana 


































1 
6 
1 


2^ 


1 
1 




























1 


Maine 






























Maryland 






























Massachusetts 


..„.. 


13 






























Michigan 


2 
3 
2 
5 
3 


3 




























1 


Minnesota 






1 


























Mississippi 

Missouri 


4 

2 
4 


1 
1 


2 




























1 






























1 


Nebraska 


3 






























Nevada 




1 




























New Hampshire 


1 

2 

18 

2 

5 






1« 

2 
1 


r- 




























New Jersey 


■3" 

2 
3 


2 
5 
2 


1 
1 
















1 
1 












New York 


5 




4 
















4 


North Carolina 


















9, 


Ohio 


1 


2 
2 








2 




















Oregon 




























Pennsylvania 

Rhode Island ., 


11 
1 
1 
3 
3 
1 
4 
2 
4 






1 


2 

1 


1 




















































South Carolina 


1 
2 


1 


1 

"i" 
2 

2 




























?. 






2^ 
2 




























Texas 


1 
























1 


Vermont . 


























Virginia 


3 
2 

2 


2 






























1 


West Virginia 

Wisconsin 
































































1 






































Total 


120 


721^ 


311^ 


25 


20H 


17^11 


5 


4 


J 


_3 


J 


_2 


_2 


_1 


_1 


J 


J_ 


20 



Recapitulation. 



Tilden 

McDonald. 

Bayard 

Hancock..., 

Butler 

Thurman . 
Cleveland . 
Randall .... 
Jioyer.„.„, 



.120 

.. 25 
. 20^^ 

. 5 
.. 4 



Hoadly 4 

Morrison 3 

Eaton 2 

Parker 2 

Hewitt 2 

Hendricks 1 

Jewett. 1 

Palmer 1 

Euglish I 



No Expression 20 



42 Democratic Candidates. 

Samuel J, Tilden's strength by this showing was at 
this time far in advance of that of any other of the 
party leaders, and there is no reason to doubt that the 
figures fairly represented the feeling of the Democracy. 
They indicate that throughout the country generally the 
Sage of Grammercy was apparently the strongest man in 
party favor, and that had the convention been held at 
the close of '83, Tilden, had he desired the nomination, 
and had his health permitted, could have secured it. 
These indications however were based on the general 
results which gave Tilden 120 votes in his favor — an 
amount nearly equal to the combined strength of the 
next three strongest candidates. But when examined a 
little more closely, the figures showed a result which 
tended to somewhat qualify this conclusion. It was 
noticed that in the states where the preferences expressed 
in his favor exceeded those for all the other candidates 
combined, his party was in the minority. In other words 
Tilden's strength in the party predominated in Illinois, 
Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Minnesota, Pennsylvania and Wis- 
consin, all solid Republican states, and in but one of 
which the party had any reasonable hope of triumph in 
the presidential contest. In his own state of New York 
he was first in only 18 of the 26 points heard from — a 
large majority it is true, but nothing like the undivided 
strength which should have been shown by a state for 
its "favorite son." His strength in Pennsylvania on the 
other hand was amazingly large, especially when it is 
considered that that state had no less than six of her 
sons in the list, and that she only recorded in favor of 



Democratic Candidates. 43 

the strongest of them all — Samuel J. Randall — three 
votes. Coming to an examination of the state of feeling 
in the South it was found that only in Georgia, Missouri, 
and Virginia, did he lead all the other candidates ; in 
Louisiana, North Carolina, South Carolina, and West 
Virginia, he was equal to the strongest, but in the three 
Democratic states of Alabama, Delaware and Florida, he 
was not mentioned at all. It will thus be seen that at 
the close of 1883, Tilden's strength was more apparent 
than real, and that in the assuredly Democratic states 
which would naturally control the convention, the feel- 
ing, if not adverse to his candidacy, was at least not as 
overwhelmingly in his favor as to unmistakably desig- 
nate him as the choice of his party. 

Joseph E. McDonald, of Indiana, although showing 
a total of only 72^ preferences as against 120 for 
Tilden, was at this time really the more formidable can- 
didate. While there are twelve states in which his name 
did not appear they are nearly all Republican. His 
friends muster in every pronounced Democratic state, 
with the single exception of Delaware, which honored 
her distinguished son, Thomas F. Bayard, with her entire 
vote. In his own state — Indiana — McDonald was a 
strong favorite, 8 out of the il preferences being re- 
corded in his favor. In the Southern states he made an 
excellent showing, every one, without a single exception 
expressing preferences for him. He was weakest in 
New England, where not a solitary Democrat except in 
Rhode Island appears to have favored him; and the 
same absence of strength may be noted on the Pacific 



44 Democratic Candidates. 

slope. From this it will appear that McDonald was 
at this time the strongest man in his party in the North 
and South, the sections that possess the controlling 
power in shaping the destinies of the party. 

Senator Bayard, of Delaware, led in his own state 
and the adjoining state of Maryland, but a glance 
at the list will show that at this time he was only re- 
garded as available in fifteen of the thirty-eight states. 
The expression of preference in his favor was, however, 
more general than the total would seem to indicate, 
nearly every section of the country from the Atlantic 
seaboard to the Missouri River, and from the Lakes to 
the Gulf being represented by his admirers. Nine of 
the Southern states express a partial preference in his 
favor. 

General Hancock appeared to have friends in sev- 
enteen of the states, but in none of them was there an 
overwhelming demand for his nomination. 

Governor Butler, of Massachusetts, for reasons which 
will appear hereafter, deserves a more extended notice. 
It will be observed that in thirty of thirty-eight states 
from which returns had been received, his name was at 
this time ignored. Indeed, there is reason to believe that 
in one of the eight states in which a preference for him 
was expressed, the preference was in derision. With the 
exception of one voice in Louisiana, not a single Demo- 
crat in the Southern states could be found to express a 
desire in his favor. Outside of Massachusetts and 
Rhode Island there was no State in which his name was 
mentioned that his friends were not largely in the minor- 



Democratic Candidates. 45 

ity. But — and this is the most suggestive point in the 
record — it will be observed that his own state, Massa- 
chusetts, every section of the state being represented, 
gave him practically a solid vote as her first choice — the 
figures being 13 to I. This, it is to be noted, was a com- 
pliment received by no other candidate in the same pro- 
tion, Bayard, of Delaware, alone excepted. 

Thurman's 171^ votes were too scattering and 
irregular to indicate much strength ; Cleveland's total of 
II was not large enough to cause a panic among the 
other candidates ; Randall's 5 points excited derision 
and commiseration and — but the work of comment may 
be suspended. When a party gets to figuring on such 
men as Flower, Joel Parker, and its Hewitts and 
Jewetts, it becomes necessary to draw the line. The line 
on Democratic candidates is consequently drawn right 
here. 



VI. 

THE DRIFT OF OPINION— 1884. 

THE beginning of a presidential year is invariably 
marked by a strange and peculiar action on the part 
of most of the public men of the nation who have had the 
fortune or misfortune to have their names mentioned in 
connection with the presidency during the year before. 
The fact that they are thus mentioned would seem to 
indicate that they were possessed of certain essential 
qualifications for that exalted office; that they were 
strong, ambitious, self-reliant men whose mental powers 
and intellectual gifts placed them away above the mass 
of their fellow-citizens. This, however, if they are to be 
judged by their subsequent actions, is clearly a mistake, 
for, as a rule, they make a tacit avowal of their weakness 
and helplessness by placing themselves " in the hands of 
their friends." Of the entire number of Republican and 
Democratic aspirants enrolled in the preceding pages 
there were but two who, in May, 1884, were not so 
placed. These two were at large, in full possession of 
their faculties, in sound mental and physical health and 
thoroughly able to take care of themselves : they were 
James G. Blaine, of Maine, and Benjamin F. Butler, of 
Massachusetts. The events which had left these men 
their own masters, while those of the eighty odd candi- 



The Drift of Opinion — 1584. 47 

dates who remained in the field were " in the hands of 
their friends," form a curious and interesting chapter in 
the history of American politics. 

The Spring of 1884 found President Arthur strongly- 
entrenched in the good ooinion of the people. His 
administration had been remarkably satisfactory and free, 
in the main, from the taint of corruption in high places. 
While it was generally understood that he was a candi- 
date for the Republican nomination, there had been no 
general movement on the part of his friends to secure it. 
He had skillfully thwarted the designs of the old party 
managers up to this time, and was apparently indifferent 
to everything except the good opinion of the people at 
large. 

The attempt, earlier in the year, to start a Grant 
boom had fallen flat and covered its projectors with con- 
fusion. As expressing the general sentiment of the 
country the following from an editorial in the New York 
Times (February 7th), may be quoted : 

* * He (General Grant) deserved well of his country. He 
served the nation nobly in its hour of need and the nation grate- 
fully and cheerfully paid the debt by heaping upon him greater 
honors than ever had been bestowed on a citizen of the Republic. 
But we submit that the people have a right to expect a receipt in 
full, and that it is the feeling that the days of Grant and Grantism 
and all that that implies, are over in this country for ever. The 
time has come when this nation is to be governed by its states- 
men, not by its soldiers." 

The Republican press, almost without an exception, 
gave expression to the same views, and three weeks later 
nothing was heard of the Grant boom. The men, how- 
ever, who were instrumental in this movement were a 



45 The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 

power not to be despised or ignored, and they made re- 
vengeful boasts that no Republican would or could be 
nominated and elected without their aid. This feeling 
was particularly manifested in New York, Illinois and 
in one or two other states, and in sullen silence the dis- 
affected element awaited events. On the lothof March 
the New York Herald contained an interview which was 
given double-leaded prominence, and which astonished 
the country. It purported to be a conversation with " a 
prominent cabinet officer who was authorized to speak 
for the administration." A paragraph or two will give 
an idea of the tenor of this remarkable statement : 

"Correspondent — And President Arthur then is a candidate* 
for the nomination ? 

Mr. . President Arthur is in the hands of his friends. 

Correspondent — And his friends 

Mr. . His friends feel that if the country is satisfied with 

his administration he is justified in asking for a term as President 
where he will be free from the embarrassments consequent upon 
the unfortunate circumstances under which he assumed office. 

Correspondent — Then President Arthur is squarely a candidate. 

Mr. . President Arthur is a candidate for the nomination." 

Three days later the Washington correspondent of 
the Cincinnati Enquirer telegraphed to that paper the 
following prediction : "I venture to say that in less than 
a week he (President Arthur) will make a vigorous 
attempt to strengthen his forces in New York, and that 
there will be some changes that will astonish the country. 
Ex-Senator Conkling has been here for forty-eight hours 
and at a conference held last night at the house of Sec- 
retary Chandler matters of grave moment were settled. 
Do not be surprised to hear that a treaty of peace has 



The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 49 

been signed, and an alliance, offensive and defensive, 
effected." The correspondent proved to be right and 
two days later special despatches from Washington were 
in all the leading papers of the country giving more or 
less reliable details of the " reconciliation " between 
President Arthur and Ex-Senator Conkling, with the an- 
nouncement that the latter had guaranteed to the Presi- 
dent the solid support of the Grant Stalwarts in New 
York. The news created great excitement. Many of 
the Republican papers received it as an evidence of 
" complete harmony between the factions " but a large 
number kicked in the traces and denounced what they 
termed the " unholy alliance." In the meantime several 
changes in the federal offices in New York and Pennsyl- 
vania, caused great indignation, especially as one of the 
New York appointments was that of a notorious hench- 
man of Mr. Conkling, who was utterly unfitted for the 
duties of the office to which he was commissioned. 
Commenting on this the New York Tribune in a leading 
editorial entitled " The Bargain and Sale " said : 

" President Arthur mistakes the character of the people if he 
imagines that they are passive and disinterested witnesses of these 
transactions. His right to seek the nomination at the hands of 
his party no one will deny, but his action in displacing tried and 
satisfactory servants of the people to give place to those who have 
distinguished themselves by personal devotion to the fortunes of 
Mr. Conkling has neither right nor wisdom to commend it. Pres- 
ident Arthur, by his recent acts, has surprised and pained his 
friends and given joy and comfort to his enemies." 

The Tribune^ in another column of the same issue, 
printed a number of letters from prominent Republicans, 
denouncing the President's course, and advocating 9^ 



50 The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 

concentration of that element of the party which had 
nothing in common with jobbers and jobbery, in favor of 
Senator Edmunds. But it was not alone in this respect 
that President Arthur was losing ground; he was getting 
into troubled waters in another direction. Emboldened 
by their success in former years, the Canadians had 
again begun to harass and annoy the New England 
fishermen and to exclude them from grounds their 
right to which had been established by the terms of the 
Canadian fisheries treaty. Then too, further develop- 
ments showed that the Canadian and British authorities 
had conspired by means of perjured statements and false 
statistics, deliberately to rob the Government of the 
United States of the ;$5, 000,000 in gold, which was the 
award paid under the treaty at Halifax referred to. It 
was clearly demonstrated that this money was illegally 
and treacherously filched from this Government by a 
conspiracy, and that a large portion of the award had found 
its way into the pockets of the perjurers and tricksters con- 
cerned. The indignation caused by these disclosures and 
the failure of the Government to protect the fishermen 
in their rights, caused emphatic protests and demands 
for action from one end of the country to the other ; 
and great mass meetings were held in Portland, Maine, 
and in Boston, to give expression to the voice of the 
people. At these meetings resolutions were adopted de- 
nouncing " a policy which tainted the American name 
with the stigma of cowardice, by a refusal to demand 
and insist upon the rights of our citizens." The first of 
these meetings was addressed by the Hon. James G. 



The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 51 

Blaine; the second was presided over by Governor 
Butler, of Massachusetts. 

In the meantime a Blaine movement had begun 
throughout the country, and was spreading with a 
rapidity and spontaniety that had not been equalled 
since the Lincoln campaign. Blaine clubs were being 
organized everywhere, and Blaine delegates, as such, 
were soliciting the suffrages of the people in opposition to 
Administrationists. The old politicians, who had feasted 
and fattened on the Republican party for years, were 
astonished at the force of the sentiment and enthusiasm 
in favor of the Man from Maine. Suddenly the Blaine 
movement assumed a new and unexpected phase. A 
number of prominent gentlemen, representing every 
state and territory of the Union, assembled in conference, 
in response to a call, in the Continental hotel, Philadel- 
phia. These gentlemen were Republicans to a man ; 
there were also, without exception, friends of Mr. Blaine, 
and the conference had been called to secure such 
united and harmonious action on their part as would 
result in making Mr. Blaine the Republican party's can- 
didate for the presidency. After a long and earnest dis- 
cussion, it was finally resolved that the adherents of the 
new movement should be known as Nationalists or Nat- 
tional Republicans in contradistinction to the regular or 
Administration wing of the party. It was designed to 
form a new party, which should succeed the Republican 
party, but which, for the time being, was to act with it 
and within it. In its declaration of principles, the new 
party among other things demanded the following : 



5^ The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 

First. A vigorous foreign policy calculated to pro- 
tect American citizens in their rights and to maintain 
the honor of the flag ; a policy looking to the extension 
at the earliest practical moment, of the boundaries of 
the United States to their natural and geographical 
limits. 

Second. A tariff calculated to foster, encourage 
and protect every branch of American industry from a 
ruinous competition with foreign goods made by pauper 
labor. 

Third. The enactment of wise and just laws to 
protect the people from oppression by monopolies or 
monopolists of any class whatsoever ; and 

Fourth. Such national legislation as will restore 
American shipping to the prosperity and importance it 
enjoyed before the civil war. 

Hundreds of thousands of Republicans and no in- 
considerable number of Democrats hastened to identif}- 
themselves with the new movement which was to regen- 
erate and rejuvenate the old party. The Administration 
press was bitterly hostile to the proceeding, and de- 
nounced the movement and its projectors in unmeasured 
terms. It was claimed to have been inspired by Blaine; 
that its purpose was the destruction of the Republican 
party, that its adherents were disguised Democrats, and 
that all giving it aid or comfort thereby forfeited their 
right to be called Republicans and should be denied 
representation in the convention. During all this time 
the Maine Statesman had made no sign. It was known 
that he would accept the nomination if it were tendered 



The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 53 

him, but that he would make no personal effort to 
secure it. For the new movement and its results, his 
followers and admirers were responsible — not himself 
Blaine had managed matters with consummate skill. 
Out of public life, he had nothing to explain — nothing 
to defend. His book, " Twenty Years in Congress," had 
strenghtened him immensely with people of all classes. 
It had proven a masterly exposition of the soundness of 
the policy of the Garfield administration in regard to 
the South American powers. He had aroused the peo- 
ple to a realization of the dangers that menaced the 
Republic in the event of foreign nations gaining a con- 
trolling power in the states contiguous to the Panama 
Canal, and he had awakened the dormant patriotism to 
such a degree that all true Americans felt that the time 
had come to assert to the world in the most unmistakable 
and emphatic terms, that the United States was the one 
sole power that controlled the destinies of the Western 
continent. 

In the meantime there was a section of the Repub- 
cans which favored neither Arthur nor Blaine, but 
which, in its turn, was divided in its allegiance between 
Edmunds, of Vermont, and John Sherman, of Ohio. 
Such was the state of affairs in the Republican party in 
the Summer of 1S84. 

The Democracy were no less distracted. If there 
were dissensions in the Republican ranks, confusion 
worse confounded reigned supreme in the Democratic 
party, and threatened disruption and disaster. The year 
opened with Samuel J. Tilden far ahead of all competi- 



54 The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 

tors in the race for the nomination. His supporters had 
captured the party organization in more than two-thirds 
of the states ; his Hnes were well drawn, and the opposi- 
tion forces had been weakened by rivalries and jealousies 
among themselves. Tammany had been appeased 
and mollified, and apparently a lasting truce, if 
not a genuine alliance had been effected between 
Tilden and John Kelly. It was now early in March and 
the Democratic prospect looked brightest. Suddenly 
came the astounding intelligence that rudely awakened 
the party from its dreams of assured success — Samuel 
J. Tilden was a helpless physical and mental wreck. The 
blow, long threatened, had fallen at last ! The secret, 
known only to a few of the trusted party leaders, had 
been well kept for ^ week, and its disclosure took the 
country completely by surprise. But a still greater sur 
prise was to come when it was discovered that the Sago 
of Grammercy had made his political will, and had 
named Samuel J. Randall, of Pennsylvania, as sole heir 
and successor, with Hendricks and Thurman, as execu- 
tors and administrators. This attempt to dispose of the 
Democratic nomination as personal property raised 
hades. Almost every Democratic paper of any in- 
fluence denounced it as an unparalleled piece of effron- 
tery. The New York S7/n declared that so far as Ran- 
dall's chances were now concerned, he might just as well 
be laid in Tilden's family vault. Matters were now 
quite lively ; they were destined to be more so. On 
March i8th, John Kelly's personal organ, the New 
York Star, came out with a double leaded editorial 



The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 55 

which, after reviewing the claims of the various aspir- 
ants for the nomination, closed with these words : 

"It is clear whatever strength Mr, Randall may have had — 
and we are prepared to concede that but for this act of Samuel 
J. Tilden he might have been the strongest man to nominate — 
he is no longer an available candidate, and may be considered 
as entirely out of the race. The Democratic party demands a 
candidate who stands squarely on his own merits. It demands a 
candidate who can be depended upon to carry New York and 
Pennsylvania. We believe that neither Mr. Bayard nor Mr. 
McDonald can do this. But if we have read aright of the signs 
of the times, the party will turn to the dauntless and brilliant 
leader whose personal strength, well won victories, and enthus- 
iastic following, give the strongest assurance of a glorious triumph. 
We refer to General Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts. 

No such sensation had been sprung on the Demo- 
cratic party in its history. An alliance between Butler 
of Massachusetts, and Tammany's chieftain, John Kelly, 
of New York ! The Southern papers were up in arms ; 
they fairly howled. This, from the Mobile Register^ 
may be taken as a fair sample of the rest : 

* * Take Ben. Butler — Beast Butler as a Democratic candi- 
date ! Nominate the spoon-thief, the tyrant of New Orleans, 
the ogre whose poisonous breath cast the deadly insult on South- 
ern womanhood ! The grand old Democratic party nominate this 
man ! By the memory of the sacred cause in which our noblest 
and bravest up gave their lives ; by the hopes dear to every 
Southern heart ; by the names of Lee and Jackson, and by our 
love for the bonnie blue banner they bore, we say, never ! never ' 
NEVER : 

And nobody dared to say " what, never ; " it 
wouldn't have been a judicious joke in the South about 
that time. In the North, the Democratic press was 
divided. In New England nearly all the leading organs 
of the party were already committed to Butler ; but in 
New York and Pennsylvania, some of the prominent 



56 The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 

papers were bitterly opposed to his candidacy. The 
Philadelphia Times which favored Bayard with McDon- 
ald as its second choice, was most outspoken. It 
declared that to nominate Butler, would be to sound 
the death-knell of the party, and drive tens of thousands 
of decent and self-respecting Democrats into the Repub- 
lican ranks, "We state as our deliberate conviction," 
concluded the Times, "that Benjamin F. Butler could 
not come within 50,000 votes of carrying Pennsylvania." 
The Pittsburg Post, another influential Democratic 
paper in Western Pennsylvania, took a similar view. In 
the interior of the state, however, and in the strongest 
Democratic counties, the press was pretty generally in 
favor of Butler, one paper, the Reading Eagle, going so 
far as to place his name at the head of the editorial 
column, as its " first, last, and only choice." In the 
Western states, McDonald had a powerful following, 
nearly all the Tilden and anti-Butler strength consoli- 
dating in his favor. There was but one leading western 
journal at this time outspoken for Butler. That was the 
Chicago Times, which held that he was the only man 
who could carry the doubtful states. The battle waged 
fiercely for a month. There came another surprise. 
The Louisville Courier- yournal in an article which com- 
manded widespread attention, and which bore the unmis- 
akable imprint of Mr. Henry Watterson's fine Roman 
hand, began to recognize the strength of the Butler 
boom, and to admit the probability of his nomina- 
tion. A few extracts from this article will be found 
instructive reading : 



The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 57 

* * General Butler is now fairly in the field as a Demo- 
cratic candidate, and outside of the Southern states, has a larger 
following than any of his competitors, He is not a man to be 
deterred by trifles, nor to be daunted by difficulties, however, 
insurmountable they may appear to others. His success in 
Massachusetts has already demonstrated this. It has been 
alleged that his nomination would cost the Democratic party every 
Southern state. Is this true ? We think not. Let us reason for 
a moment. Assuming that he could carry New York and Penn- 
sylvania with their combined 66 votes, and that with him and with 
him only as its standard-bearer, the Democracy can hold Massa- 
chusetts, he would have 80 votes in the electoral count to start with. 
Deducting from the Democratic column the purely Southern 
states, there yet remain New Jersey, Connecticut, Colorado, 
Indiana, Nevada, Oregon, and California, with a total vote of 47. 
General Butler, assuming that he could carry all the states named, 
and if nominated, he is reasonably certain to do so, would thus 
have 127 votes. He would then require 74 votes to make the 201 
necessary. The total vote of the Southern and reliably Demo- 
cratic states, amounts to 168. Does any sane person suppose for 
a moment that all these states are going to be lost to the Demo- 
cratic party simply because a majority of the delegates of the 
party in the national convention assembled nominate General 
Butler for president? We can speak for Kentucky and her 18 
votes. But it is useless to consider such a result as a serious 
possibility. Assuming, however, that one-half of the Southern 
states proved recreant to the faith of their fathers, and by their 
treachery or indifference perilled Democratic success. General But- 
ler would still have enough to elect him. These facts should be 
borne in mind. And here we may add, that it would be well for 
our brethren in the South to avoid such a lavish use of epithets in 
discussing these matters. It is neither wise nor dignified to use 
them, and they may return to plague those who do so at no distant 
day. "^ * The South is not in a position to dictate to the Democratic 
party of the nation. Vast changes have been wrought in twenty- 
five years. There are other sections of the country where Demo- 
crats are just as jealous of their rights and privileges as we are. 
One point more. If, when a majority of the party nominate a 
candidate, a disappointed minority is to appear in the role of 
distructionists, then the sooner the Democratic party realizes that 
success is hopeless the better for all concerned." 

A still more remarkable change of heart, so to 
speak, was in store for the party. The most influential 



58 The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 

Democratic organ in the Southern states — the New 
Orleans Times-Democrat — republished the foregoing edi- 
torial from the Courier- journal, and commenting upon 
it said: 

It must not be forgotten that even here, in New Orleans, 
he (Butler) is not without friends. We are no apologist for 
his course during the war, but there are not wanting those who 
recall the fact that it was due to General Butler that the city was 
saved from the horrors of famine and pestilence. That he was 
harsh and tyrannical in his administration as Military Governor, 
cannot be denied, but it has been urged in extenuation, that the 
exigencies of the times forced him to extremes, which he has 
since regarded with regret. * * It is, of course, unpleasant to 
contemplate the probability of General Butler receiving the nomi- 
nation from the Democratic party, but we venture to say, that 
there are hundreds of thousands of Southern Democrats who will 
not hesitate to sacrifice personal prejudice at the shrine of party 
fealty, rather than suffer the evils of Radical misrule for another 
generation. 

It will be seen that the Southern press was beginning 
to hedge as gracefully as possible, and to swallow the 
pill with the best face it could. Not all of the Southern 
papers however, did so. A few of the ultra sheets in the 
Bourbon districts continued as rabid as ever and fretted, 
and frothed and fumed in a delirious sort of style. The 
Republican press in the North, viewed the possible 
nomination of Butler with mixed feelings of amuse- 
ment and apprehension. By some of those papers, he 
was regarded as the " weakest candidate theDemocracy 
could nominate; " others took an entirely different view, 
and warned their readers that "the (Republican) party 
in Massachusetts had suffered from nursing the same 
delusion, and that the effort to frighten Butler by 
blowing the brass horn of ridicule, had proved an 



The Drift of Opinion — 1884. 59 

ignominous failure. Of the latter class of papers, the 
Philadelphia Press^ the Chicago Tribune^ and the Cincin- 
nati Commercial were most outspoken. The Press 
thought Butler *'not only the most popular, but the 
ablest leader of his party;" the Tribune regarded him 
as "fertile in resources, and the candidate of all 
others to inspire courage in a forlorn hope;" and the 
Commercial was of opinion "that Republicans who 
regard Butler as a candidate who is content with the 
empty honor of a nomination without the solid reward 
of an election, only betray their gross ignorance of the 
man and his methods." All the time the Man of 
Massachusetts was quietly shaping events. He had 
not placed himself in the hands of his friends once; 
on the contrary his friends had placed themselves in 
his hands, and he was handling them to perfec- 
tion in every part of the country. McDonald's star 
continued in the ascendant in the West, but in the 
other parts of the country its brilliancy was dimmed. 
Bayard developed no enthusiasm outside of his own 
state, and Randall was not seriously considered. There 
were one or two other names mentioned, but it is hardly 
worth space to consider them. Such was the state of 
affairs in May. On the loth of that month the New 
York Herald published two remarkable tables. They 
were the results of inquiries addressed to over 430 points 
in the thirty-eight states, regarding the strength and 
popularity of the various candidates of both parties. 
The 414 replies received gave the result shown on the 
following page; 



6o 



The Drift of Opinion — 1884, 



THE PREFERENCES OF THE PEOPLE. 





Republican. 


Democratic. 


STATES. 

• 


1 

ft? 


1 


i 


S 


1 


s 


1 


1 


1 
1 


g 


^ 


Alabama 


1 
2 
5 
] 
3 
2 


6 
5 


""i 


1 


1 


8 




1 






Arkansas 


6 1 1 


1 
1 




California 




1 


1 
2 


31 1 
4 1 




Colorado 


1 
1 
2 
3 
5 
7 
5 
2 
2 
5 
7 
1 
4 
3 

5 

' 4 

2 


2 






Connecticut 


2 




1 


Delaware 




4 




Florida 






1 
2 
1 

""l 


1 




1 
1 
3 
1 
3 
2 

*""l 
1 


"i 


1 


Georgia 


1 
7 
4 

11 
5 
4 
1 
9 
4 
7 
5 
4 
1 
2 
7 
3 
5 
S 

13 
2 
2 
3 

19 
2 


2 
2 
5 
3 
2 
1 

""2 

■"••4 


"•"2 
3 
1 


G 1 

7 4 

11 2 


2 




Illinois 




Indiana 


1 

1 

'""1 




Iowa 


7 
4 
7 
6 
2 
5 

2 
6 
4 
6 

1 


1 

2 
1 
8 
1 


1 


Kansas 


1 


Kentucky 




Louisiana 


" i 
1 

6 
4 

1 

1 


1 
] 

*""l 

1 
1 






Maine 




Maryland 


.1 




Massachusetts 


15 1 




Michigan 


4 

1 

'""2 
4 
2 
4 
5 
23 
1 
6 
3 
11 
5 

...... 


4 

1 
3 

""2 








Minnesota 


1 






Mississippi , 


2 
""2 






Missouri 


1 

1 




1 






Nevada 






New Hampshire 








1 


New Jersey 


5 

27 

4 

1 




1 
1 


i 


3 

7 
3 
7 


1 
10 
2 
2 
1 
2 
1 
2 
4 
3 

'***5 
2 

1 


2 
4 






New York 






North Carolina 






Ohio 


V? 


'i 




1 




Oregon 


1 






Pennsylvania 


3 
1 


2 

1 


3 
3 
1 
3 
8 
7 


i 



"'"1 
1 
1 


6 
2 
4 
5 


9 
...... 

1 
2 
1 

'""i 

2 
40 


1 




Rhode Island 






6 




Tennessee 


1 
6 
1 

I 

5 


4 
6 


3 
1 






7| 2 
1 6 
2i 1 
21 1 
o\ 4 


1 
'" "1 


1 


Vermont 






3 

2 
4 






West Virginia 










1 




11 


1 






Total 


159 


137 48 


46 


24l 


148 


136 


71 


8 



Republican. 

Ulaine 159 

Arthur 137 

Sherman 48 

Edmunds 46 

Scattering 24 



RECAPITULATION 
\ 



Democratic. 

McDonald 148 

Butler 136 

Bayard 71 

Randall 40 

Tilden 11 

Scattering 8 



The Drift ok Opinion — 1884. 61 

The foregoing exhibit so clearly shows how opinion 
had drifted and how party strength had centered on the 
several candidates that it is unnecessary to dwell further 
upon the subject. It may be added that subsequent 
inquiries in the same direction showed but little change, 
and that the respective candidates maintained their rela- 
tive strength up to the opening of their party conven- 
tions. 

— The Republican National Committee after a heated 
debate selected, by a vote of 26 to 18, Philadelphia as 
the place for holding the national convention. This was 
regarded as a victory for Blaine. 

The Democratic National Committee after a two 
days' session in Washington, decided upon holding the 
convention in Louisville, Ky. The vote was 29 to 15. 
This was regarded as a victory for McDonald. 



VII. 

THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTION. 

IN the circumscribed limits of a work of this character, 
it is obviously impossible to attempt anything like 
a detailed history of the conventions. The cold, hard 
facts given in the preceding chapter shov/ that only the 
barest outline of events is attempted and that all other 
considerations have been sacrificed to absolute historical 
accuracy. It is on this ground that the work rests its 
claims to recognition and a place in the Sunday-school 
libraries of our land. It is now proposed to give merely 
a sketch of those proceedings in the Philadelphia con- 
vention which are of general interest, and which more 
directly concern the result. The descriptive matter is 
mainly taken from the special dispatches of the well- 
known correspondent " H, G. D," to the journal he 
represented on the occasion. 

:f: * 3)t 

The scene is an inspiring one; it is a living, breath- 
ing epic illustrative of the grandeur of a government of, 
by and for the people. As the eye wanders over the 
vast auditorium it rests here and there on men mighty 
in the science of war, famed in the pursuits of peace. 
That commanding figure on the right with the leonine 
locks is Logan of Illinois. Near him bends a stately 



The National Republican Convention. 63 

form in deferential respect to a man whose whitened 
hair and bent figure tell of a life's work nearly done ; 
it is Ex-Senator Conkling of New York, saluting Ex- 
Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania. That man on the 
right with his shiny, good-humored, rosy face, is Ex- 
Governor Tom Young, of Ohio. There is Frye of 
Maine, moving about with nervous impatient stride 
among his delegation. Those two fine figures are 
Alonzo B. Cornell, of New York, and Senator Windom, 
of Minnesota. The man with the crutch — Beaver of 
Pennsylvania, stops and shakes hands with one of 
the most marked and remarkable men in the convention 
— Frederick Douglass. There is a rather remarkable 
group on the aisle to the left. That scholarly-looking 
gentleman with the fine white hair is Senator Hoar. 
His vis-a-vis is John Wanamaker, the merchant prince 
of Philadelphia. They have just been introduced by an 
ex-governor of Pennsylvania, John F. Hartranft. There 
are scores of men whose names are as household words 
throughout the nation. Hark ! There is a mighty 
shout without the walls; it is taken up at the entrance 
and the vast assemblage rises to its feet, in another mo- 
ment to greet with three times three rousing cheers, 
the gallant general of the army, Philip Sheridan. 

:|e ^ 4< 

Hon. George H. Boker is presiding. He has suc- 
ceeded at last in calming the storm of enthusiasm. A 
well-knit figure moves to the front of the platform and 
raises his hands. It is Bishop Simpson in prayer. 
m * ^ 



64 The National Republican Convention. 

The convention has been in session three hours 
Committees on permanent organization, credentials, 
rules and platform, have been appointed. 

There is a motion to adjourn. It is made by an 
Administration delegate. It is part of the tactics of the 
Arthur men; the object is delay. To proceed to a 
ballot now means to nominate Blaine. To-night a coali- 
tion between the friends of Arthur and "the field" may 
be effected. There is disorder, but the motion to ad- 
journ is declared carried by a majority of 57. The con- 
vention has finished its first days work. 

^ >5c Ht 

It is the second day. The Committee on Platform 
has been in session eleven hours. It is evident that 
there has been a determined struggle. It is known that 
the Blaine men have insisted on the recognition of the 
Nationalists, and that if they have succeeded, the plat- 
form will indicate their victory. There is a pause ; and 
now a grand cheer, repeated again and again, is heard 
as the words " the National Republican party " fall from 
the lips of the reader. The platform follows : 
* « * 

The National Republican party in united conven- 
tion assembled at Philadelphia, reaffirms the principles 
which it has maintained since it was first entrusted with 
supreme power by the American people. It points to 
its past as the best guarantee for its course in the future. 
It has preserved the nation ; given freedom to the slave 
and franchise to the freedman ; it has restored and main- 
tained the national credit ; reduced the public debt ; cared 



The National Republican Convention. 65 

for the soldier and protected the widows and educated 
the orphans of the brave men who fell for the Union 
in the civil war ; it has developed the internal resources 
of the country ; perfected a successful civil service, and 
it has preserved American industry from the blighting 
and disastrous effects of a foreign competition where 
cheapness is obtained by pauper paid labor ; and it 
points to day at the close of twenty-four years of power 
to a Nation of fifty-five millions blessed with peace, pro- 
gress and prosperity. And the National Republican 
party further proclaims and affirms : 

First, That any tariff so based as to admit the 
product of foreign manufacturers at prices that will 
compel a reduction of the wages of American working- 
men, is calculated to cause disaster to our industries. 
The strength and greatness of the Republic, developed 
as they have been by a tariff for protection, must not be 
imperilled. We denounce the Democratic party as the 
American allies of British free traders and their perni- 
cious doctrine of " a tariff for revenue only," as. a direct 
blow at American industrial and commercial prosperity. 
The National Republican party demands a tariff for 
protection wher^ a tariff for protection is required. 

Second. The assumption by a foreign nation of the 
power to interfere with American citizens in their peace- 
ful pursuits in territory, their right to which had been 
recognized and reaffirmed by treaty, we regard as a 
direct menace to this Government; and we protest 
against such assumption as an insult to the American 
flag. We demand the abrogation of the treaty of Hali- 



66 The National Republican Convention. 

fax, at the earliest possible time, and such action there- 
after as will secure to American fishermen the unchal- 
lenged right to follow their avocations at any and all 
points on the coast line of the Northern continent. 

Third. We view with jealous watchfulness the 
persistent efforts of European powers to obtain territo- 
rial rights on this continent, and under the disguise of 
colonization schemes to secure such points of vantage 
as will give them practical control of the Panama Canal. 
And we declare that the said canal should be and shall 
be under the protection and direction of the Govern- 
ment of the United States, whose interests are para- 
mount to those of all other nations. 

Fourth. We favor such legislation as will promote 
the revival and secure the permanent prosperity of 
American shipping interests, and thereby relieve the 
people from the heavy tax of hundreds of millions of 
dollars paid for freight carried in foreign bottoms. 

Fifth. We endorse the wise and conservative ad- 
ministration of President Arthur, and applaud his 
efforts to promote civil service reform in all branches of 
the Government; and we reaffirm our advocacy of a 
civil service based on sound principles of efficiency and 
economy. 

Sixth. The growth of oppressive monopolies as- 
suming to be above and beyond the control of the laws 
of the land should be discouraged, and their powers and 
privileges limited and controlled. Such monopolies are 
opposed to the spirit of American institutions, and 
may become a source of danger to the state. 



The National Republican Convention. 67 

Seventh. The right of American citizens, native or 
naturalized, to travel on business or pleasure in for- 
eign countries without vexatious and oftentimes unjust 
and uncalled for detentions should be maintained ; and 
when such citizens are unjustly and falsely accused of 
offences, it should be the duty of this Government to 
insist upon compensation and reparation for such annoy- 
ance and delay. 

Eighth. We are opposed to the distribution of any 
surplus now, or that may hereafter be, in the treasury 
for educational or other purposes, in any state or states, 
for purely state purposes, believing that such distribu- 
tion would be be in violation of the constitution. 

Ninth, The harbor and coast defences of the United 
States should be largely increased and their efficiency 
thoroughly maintained, and we favor such legislation as 
will provide all means necessary to this end. 

Tenth, Any unjust discrimination in appropriations 
for internal improvements should be avoided. We favor 
such action as will preserve the great valleys of our 
Western rivers from the destructive overflows by which 
are periodically devastated, and the appointment of a 
national commission to devise ways and means to pre- 
vent such destruction. 

Eleventh. The National Republican party believes 
that a return to power by the Democracy would be 
fraught with danger to the welfare of the country ; that 
the Democracy has proved its unfitness to be entrusted 
with the control of the destinies of the nation, and that 
its open advocacy in favor of free trade would unsettle 



6S The National Republican Convention. 

values, thereby precipitating panic and distress. Believing 
this, and pointing to its own record for nearly a quarter 
of a century, the National Republican party confidently 
presents its claims to the renewed and continued sup- 
port of the American people. 

* * * 

A score of delegates sprang to their feet and a 
scene of wild disorder followed. Half-a-dozen amend- 
ments were proposed in a breath. Thundrous shouts of 
" Question " came from the galleries. Pandemonium 
reigned. The Chair was powerless to suppress the dis- 
order. Cries of " Amend," " Amend," were heard from 
hundreds of voices. The critical test of strength was 
coming. A vote was finally taken and the platform 
adopted by a majority of 39. It was the beginning of 
the end. Blaine's friends burst into a wild cheer, and 
now that they realized their strength they forced the 
fighting. The convention proceeded with the nomina- 
tions. 

* * ♦ 

Hon. Emory Storrs, of Chicago, has nominated 
Arthur in a spirit which is admittedly the finest forensic 
effort of the convention. The call of states goes on. 
Pennsylvania is reached and Hon. Thomas M. Marshall, 
of Pittsburg rises. It is known that he has been selected 
to nominate Blaine. As the fine head with its iron gray 
locks appears in front, thunders of applause shake the 
building. Marshall as he stands unmoved amid the 
tumult is the ideal of an orator. Hark ! His voice fills 
the vast building. He has begun; 



The National Republican Convention. 69 



* * * "It has been said that the Republican 
party has completed its work ; that its mission is ended. 
Is that the message you bear ? (" No, No,") No ! Its work 
is not ended; its glorious mission has just begun (cheers.) 
The Republican party is immortal — it can never die. Its 
principles— its vital principles — Truth, Justice, Patriot- 
ism — these, these are eternal, immortal, imperishable 
(great cheering.) The party to-day stands united, un- 
fettered, free. It points to its glorious record of the 
past ; it is ready for its equally glorious work in the 
future. The party of soldiers, of statesmen, and of 
martyrs has finished the work of its lusty youth ; it 
enters on the task of its strong manhood. And here, 
on the threshold of that task, here at this momentous 
epoch of its history, it awaits its standard bearer. It calls 
upon you to give it a leader worthy of its fame ; it asks 
you for a chieftain worthy of the host he is to lead to 
battle and to victory (cheers.) It is not alone the voice 
of Pennsylvania ; it is the desire not alone of New Eng- 
land — it is the demand of the Nation. It is heard in 
thunder tones from the rock bound coast of Maine to 
where the waves of the Pacific lave the golden sands of 
California, and its echoes are borne from the shores of 
the Mexican gulf to where the great lakes sound their 
murmerous protest against the domination of a foreign 
flag. It is the Republican party that speaks — the Na- 
tional Republican party — the party that preserved the 
Union and that freed the slave — it is that party that 
speaks to-day, and that asks you, its delegates and rep- 



70 The National Republican Convention. 

resentatives in National Convention assembled to nominate 

the dauntless leader, the peerless patriot, the strong 

statesmen, James G. Blaine, of Maine." (tremendous 

cheering.) 

* * * 

The other candidates were named. There was an 
attempt made to adjourn but the die was cast. And 
now began one of the most thrilling scenes ever wit- 
nessed in a political convention. The spectators as they 
entered the building in the morning, had each been 
handed a copy of a song, entitled " The Battle Cry of 
'84." At this moment when half a hundred delegates 
were on their feet trying to gain recognition from the 
Chair, there rose above the tumult a strong, powerful 
voice in song. Then a dozen people in different parts 
of the building took up the words. It was evidently 
a well conceived and prearranged plan. The people 
turning to their copies of the song joinnd in the chorus, 
and it rang out in thunder tones : 

See his white plumes waving high,. 
Hark ! the glorious battle cry ; 
Our cause still lives, it cannot die — 

Our leader — Blaine of Maine. 
Once again we'll face the foe ; 
Once again we'll lay him low ; 
Once again our prowess show — 

We're led by Blaine of Maine. 

And so forth through half a dozen verses. The 
Chair made frantic efforts to calm the storm. He might 
as well have tried to calm a cyclone as to still the mighty 
volume of sound that rose and swelled in the chorua 
of '* Blaine of Maine." The first ballot began : 



The National Republican Convention. 71 



THE FIRST BALLOT. 



STATES. 


.0 


5D 

s 


1 


en - 


CO 

S 
S 

1 



s 


1 


•-5 


Alabama 


20 

14 

16 

6 

12 

6 

8 

24 

44 

30 

26 

18 

26 

16 

14 

16 

28 

26 

14 

16 

32 

10 

6 

8 

18 

72 

22 

46 

6 

60 

8 

18 

24 

26 

10 

24 

12 

22 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 


2 

3 

14 

3 

5 

2 

2 

7 

28 

15 

22 

13 

12 

"14" 

7 

20 

18 

7 

6 

11 

4 

...„. 

2 

21 
6 
5 
6 

42 
3-^ 
5 
9 
8 
...„. 

5 

11 

2 

1 


U 
9 
2 


2 

1 


5 
1 








Arkansas 








California 












3 
3 
3 








Connecticut 


3 

1 

6 

12 

10 

6 

2 

4 

14 

7 


1 








Delaware 








Florida 








Georgia 


2 


2 


1 
3 

1 






Illinois 




3 


Indiana 


7 
...„. 


...„. 


1 


Iowa 




Kansas 








Kentuck'^ 










Louisiana 


2 


1 




5 


I 


Maine 




Mary lane 


5 
6 

8 
2 
9 
18 
2 
6 


3 


1 
2 








Massachusetts 

















Minnesota 






5 








1 
1 

1 








Missouri 


2 
2 










1 







Nevadii 










5 
2 
3 








New Jersey 


13 

47 
14 

3 

1 
12 

1 

12 
12 
14 

"le" 

6 
5 




1 








1 
1 




North. Carolina 


1 




38 








Oregon 












'"i" 
1 
2 
2 


4 
3 


1 


1 




Rhode Island 












Tennessee 


1 

2 

10 

















Vermont 
















West Virginia 


1 
2 












4 








Arizona 










1 
2 












District of Columbia 














2 










Montana 


1 
...„. 

1 


1 

2 






















Utah 


1 












] 








Wyoming Territory 


2 






















Total Vote 


822 


354 


307 


72 


62 


13 


8 


6 



Whole Number of Votes cast 822 

Necessary to a Choice 412 

James G. Blaine 354 

Chester A. Arthur 307 



Recapitulation. 



John A. Logan 6 



John Sherman 72 

George F.Edmunds 62 

William Windom 13 

Ulysses S. Grant...„ 8 



72 The National Republican Convention. 

The Blaine men were in a position to push matters 
to a crisis. There was a brief parliamentary struggle ; 
it ended in the announcement by the chair of another 
ballot. The second ballot began amidst terrible con- 
fusion, but order was finally restored. The result 
was a foregone conclusion from the beginning when 
Alabama, amidst the wildest cheering, broke for 
Blaine, giving him the Sherman and Edmunds strength, 
as well as two of the eleven votes before cast for Arthur. 
Arkansas followed, and when California gave "in 
obvious response to the desire of the nation and the 
feeling of the convention her sixteen votes for James G. 
Blaine," the result was beyond preadventure. The en- 
thusiasm was unbounded and was soon communicated 
to the 20,000 Republicans gathered outside the building. 
These took up the shouts, " Blaine of Maine," and the 
grand refrain, as it was borne back into the building 
finished the work even before Pennsylvania was reached 
on the call. After this there was the regular stampede 
to the winning candidate, and Blaine's nomination was 
announced. When the fact became known in the city, 
Philadelphia went wild with joy. One hundred guns 
was fired from George's Hill. Blaine clubs were formed 
in every ward where they did not already exist, and an 
impromptu demonstration in which nearly 50,000 men 
took part was ready to greet the delegates when the 
convention adjourned. The official figures of the second 
ballot which made James G. Blaine the Republican 
candidate for President of the United States are as 
follows : 



The National Republican Convention. 



73 



THE SECOND 


BALLOT, 














STATES. 


"53 

i 


1 


3 

"S 


si 


s 


o 

s 




! 


Alabama 


20 

14 

16 

6 

12 
6 
8 
24 
44 
30 
26 
18 
26 
16 
14 
16 
28 
26 
14 
16 
32 
10 
6 
8 
18 
72 
22 
46 
6 

60 

8 

18 

24 

26 

10 

24 

12 

22 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 

2 
2 


11 

10 

16 

5 

9 

2 

3 

9 

31 

22 

23 

11 

15 

5 

14 

9 

20 

19 

9 

7 

12 

7 

1 

4 

7 

24 

10 

26 

6 

51 

5 

13 

20 

25 

10 

21 

12 

20 

2 

2 

1 

2 

2 

1 

2 

2 

2 


9 
3 






Arkansas 


1 










California 











Colorado 




•• 


1 








Connecticut 


3 
4 
5 
15 
9 
7 
2 
4 

11 
10 










Delaware 












Florida 












Georgia 












Illinois , 


'" i 


1 


1 







Indiana 




Iowa 


1 








Kansas 








Kentucky 












Louisiana 








,..- 


'"{ 


Maine 










Maryland 


6 
4 
7 
1 
9 
19 
2 
5 
1 

11 
48 
12 

11 




1 
1 








Massachusetts 




3 




Michigan 




Minnesota 






4 






Alississippi 










Missouri 




1 








Nebraska 


1 






Nevada 






.» ... 


New Hampshire 




3 








New Jersey 








New York 












North Carolina 












Ohio 


9 










Oregon 










Pennsylvania 


8 
3 
5 

4 

1 




1 








Rhode Island 








South Carolina 












Tennessee 











■■*' 


Texas 












"Vermont 












Virginia 


3 












We^t Virginia 












Wisconsin 


1 






1 






Arizona 










Dakota 














District of Columbia 


1 












Idaho 












Montana »... 














New Mexico 


1 












Utah 












Washington 














Wyoming 




























Total vote 


822 


543 


245 


n 


10 


7' 3 


3 



RECAPITULATION. 



Whole Number of Votes Cast 822 

Necessary to a Choice 412 

James G. Blaine 543 

Chester A.Arthur 245 



Ulysses S. Grant 3 



John Sherman 11 

George F. Kdmunds 10 

William Windom 7 

George F. Hoar.. 



74 The National Republican Convention. 

The President: — James G. Blaine, of Maine, having 
received a majority of the whole vote cast is nominated 
for President of the United States. Shall the nomination 
be made unanimous ? 

And thereupon, on motion of Hon. Emory Storrs, 
of Chicago it was declared that James G. Blaine, of 
Maine, was unanimously nominated for President of the 
United States, by the National Republican party in 
Union Convention assembled. 



VIIL 

THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION. 

LOUISVILLE was in gala dress for the occasion. Her 
magnificent exhibition building had never been 
more beautifully decked and draped, not even when a 
president of the United States was the honored guest 
within its confines. The fairest women of the South lent 
the charm of their presence to enhance the beauty of 
the scene. Without, the delegates were streaming in 
masses to the building. The day was a perfect one — 
such a perfect day as is only possible in sunny South 
land. The music of song birds v;as in the air — the 
balmy air that, laden with the scents of sweet blossoms 
and cloves and things, played around the fevered 
brows of the men who were there on their way to 
make or mar the grand old Democratic party. 
* * * 

Hon. William A. Wallace, of Pennsylvania, has been 
appointed temporary chairman of the committee; and 
his address in opening the proceedings is notable for 
its strong appeal for moderation in speech, and har- 
mony in action. "I would not that in a Democratic 
convention," says the Chair, ** there should be any 
restriction upon free speech, but, gentlemen of the con- 
vention, remember that the eyes of the party are upon 



76 The National Democratic Convention. 

us to-day, and let us prove by the moderation of our 
language, and the vi^isdom of our acts that v^e are not 
insensible of the gravity and importance of the duty 
they have chosen us to perform." Mr. Wallace takes 
his seat amid a storm of cheers. He has put the 
convention into good humor with itself. 

* * * 

There is nothing particularly suggestive aoout the 
appointment of the committees except that Hon. Frank 
Hurd, of Ohio, is a member of the committee on 
platform. He is, perhaps, the most ultra free-trader in 
the party, and he has openly avowed his purpose to use 
his every influence to commit his party to a square 
adherence to his principles. 

* * * 

There is one man in this convention who is attracting 
considerable attention — it is Fitzgerald, of New Orleans, 
perhaps the most marked man of any of the Southern 
delegates. He has openly boasted that he is in favor 
of the nomination of Butler, and that his delegation is 
not instructed for McDonald as had been supposed. 
This is a most important and suggestive "straw," 
and has been telegraphed over the country. As a re- 
sult, Fitzgerald has to-day received about a bushel of 
telegrams. These messages convey all sorts of promises 
from that of the " thanks of the solid Democracy of 
old Massachusetts," to " the execration of every South- 
ern man who fought for the flag" — what flag is not 
stated, 

9K « 1^ 



The National Democratic Convention. 77 

There is a general feeling that wiser counsels will 
prevail, and that the threatened bolt will not take 
place in the event of Butler's nomination. It has just 
transpired that eighty-seven of the Southern delegates 
have signed an agreement, under no circumstances to 
vote for Butler, and it is understood that a large 
minority of this number are in favor of bolting if he 
shall be nominated. A strong effort is being made to 
have this agreement nullified, the most prominent 
leaders of the party pointing out that this act would 
so disgust the Democracy north, as to make them 
vote the Republican ticket or remain away from the 
polls. The incident has given rise to some very bitter 
feelings, but at this writing, there is an indication that 
they may be allayed. 

* * * 

A heated debate has sprung up over the report 
of the committee on rules A minority report has 
been presented granting the right to the territorial 
delegates to vote. The Southern members are oppos- 
ing this; they have carried their ^' point by a majority 

of 53. 

* ♦ * 

The Committee on Platform has announcedTthat 
it is ready to report. The Committee on Credentials 

is given precedence. 

* * * 

' The announcement that the Tammany delegation 
has been admitted has been received with tremendous 
cheers by the Butler delegates, and the Massachusetts 



78 The National Democratic Convention. 

delegation have a large banner bearing a portrait of 
General Butler, which they are frantically waving. 
* * * 

The platform has been read, amended, and read 
again, debated and finally adopted by a close vote. It is 
as follows : 

:H * * 

The Democracy of the United States in National 
Convention assembled, affirm and declare the principles 
presented in previous platforms, and pledge anew their 
fealty to those teachings of the party enunciated by the 
great expounder of Constitutional government, Thomas 
Jefferson. 

First. — We arraign the Republican party before that 
great tribunal, the American People, for its corrupt and 
scandalous administration; for perjury and theft in high 
places ; for the misappropriation of the public money ; 
and for the failure to punish the ring of treasury thieves, 
who, by conspiracy and collusion in office, have stolen 
millions of money. We charge the Republican party 
with having made the administration of the government 
a by-word and a disgrace among the nations of the 
earth ; with having rewarded the men who do its dirty 
work by debauching the ballot, with the gift of its high 
offices, and with having deceived the people by the pre- 
tended adoption of a system of civil service reform, 
which is in reality a delusion and a cheat. 

Second. — We declare in favor of a tariff for revenue 
based upon the rights of the people at large, and such a 
tariff as shall inflict no unjust discrimination on one 



The National Democratic Convention. 79 

class of the community for the benefit of another; but 
such declaration shall not be so construed as to indicate 
a tariff calculated to favor or foster monopoly in any 
form. 

Third. — We charge the Republican administration 
with having failed in its duty to protect native and 
adopted citizens from insult by foreign powers. We 
believe and assert that all citizens, native or naturalized, 
are entitled to the protection of the American flag, 
when traveling on legitimate business or pleasure 
abroad. 

Fourth. — The Panama Canal should be under the 
protection of the American flag. 

Fifth. — The decline of American shipping pros- 
perity, owing to the iniquitous and unjust tariff levied 
on materials necessary in the ship-building trades, we 
charge on the Republican party ; and we declare our 
hostility to any form of subsidy, and we believe that an 
open market for American shipowners will restore our 
flag to its once proud position on the seas. 

Sixth. — We oppose all schemes for the governmen- 
tal purchase of telegraph lines, believing that such pro- 
jects are unwise and against the traditions of this gov- 
ernment. Such a step we denounce as showing a 
dangerous tendency towards further centralization, and 
we believe that this tendency should be sternly checked 
and discouraged. 

Seventh. — We oppose monopolies in all forms, when 
by the exercise of the powers entrusted to them, they 
become oppressive to the people. 



8o The National Democratic Convention. 

Eighth. — The standing army, sufficiently large for 
the protection of our frontier, should not be in- 
creased. 

Ninth. — A civil service should be adapted to a 
Democratic form of government ; and we are opposed 
to any form of civil service which will result in the crea- 
tion of a permanent office-holding aristocracy, believing 
that such a system is not in accord with the spirit of 
American institutions. 

Tenth. — We favor a judicious expenditure for the 
protection of the valleys of the West from the floods that 
now annually cause want and suffering. 

Eleventh, — We believe in maintaining the public 
faith; in honest money; in protection for labor; and in 
freedom from all oppressive and sumptuary laws. 

Twelfth. — The right to a free ballot-box is the heri- 
tage of every American, and the exercise of that right 
shall never be impeached. 

Thirteenth. — We oppose the purchase of large tracts 
of land by foreign capitalists, believing that if unchecked 
it would lead to a system of serfdom on American 
soil ; American lands should be held in sacred trust 
for actual settlers only. 

Fourteenth. — The disclosures of fraud and corrupt- 
ion by the office-holders of the Republican party, sug- 
gest that greater crimes are yet to be discovered and pro- 
claimed, and the guilty parties brought to punishment. 
And the Democratic party pledges its most earnest and 
tireless effort to accomplish this ; and to free our gov- 
ernment from the control of the men who have robbed 



The National Democratic Convention. 8i 

it, and to promote a civil service honestly and economi- 
cally administered for the good of the whole American 
people. 

* * * 

Nominations are in order at last. Hon. John P. 
Irish, of Iowa has named Joseph E. McDonald, in a 
masterly speech. The cheers show plainly that McDon- 
ald has a firm grip over most of the Western and nearly 
all the Southern delegates ; but he is notably weak in 
the East. Henry Watterson, of Kentucky, places the 
name of Bayard before the convention ; and now Hon. 
Lyman Abbot, of Massachusetts, takes the floor. He is 
about to nominate Benjamin F. Butler — 

* * Massachusetts owes something to Benjamin 
F. Butler, and the Democracy throughout the Union 
owes much to Massachusetts, For with us in New 
England, Democracy has not always been triumphant 
Victory when won, has been won by such sacrifices of 
time and labor and money, by such devotion to our 
party and to the success of our candidates as can hardly be 
imagined in the states where Democratic success is al- 
ways assured and Democratic majorities always certain. 
To redeem Massachusetts from Radical misrule was no 
easy task. The enemy was strongly entrenched in place 
and power ; it had the support of the influential and the 
wealthy ; it was the ally of the great moneyed corpora- 
tions of the state. Proud in its powers and arrogant in 
its ascendancy, it deemed itself invincible and impregna- 
ble. Twice before had the Democracy of the state as- 



82 The National Democratic Convention. 

saulted the position; twice before had the Democracy 
been repulsed, but not routed; defeated, but not dismayed 
But, sir, we raUied once again under the Democratic stand- 
ard, and led by the invincible and dauntless captain who 
will, I trust, lead the Democracy of the Union to victory 
— (cheers) — ^we routed the enemy and a Democratic gov- 
ernor sits in old Massachusetts to-day. (loud cheers.) 
The Democracy of Massachusetts, Mr. Chairman, owes 
a heavy debt of gratitude to the leader whose energy, 
eloquence and indomitable courage achieved this result, 
and the Democracy of Massachusetts, in a united delega- 
tion is ready here to day to pay the obligation it is proud 
to acknowledge to Benjamin F. Butler (great cheering.) 
But, sir, Massachusetts does not attempt to dictate to 
the Democracy, North or South. She stands here pledg- 
ing her faith to Benjamin F. Butler, but ready to follow 
with loyal heart any standard bearer whom the National 
Convention shall see fit to honestly and honorably 
nominate (cheers.) If Benjamin F. Butler be, as I be- 
lieve he will be — (cheers) — the nominee of this convention 
(renewed cheering) — I venture to say for my party, for the 
grand old Democratic party, that he will have the loyal 
and generous support that he himself would give any other 
candidate who may be named (cheers.) I do not believe, 
sir, that any Democrat would be so false to his princi- 
ples, so false to his party, as to refuse to support the man 
chosen by a fair ballot in a fair convention of fair 
minded delegates representing the Democratic party of 
the nation, (cheers.) If there are such men, their place 
is not here. No — 



The Nationat, Dkmocrattc Convention. 83 • 

Who would be a traitor knave, 
Who could be so base a slave, 
Who would fill a coward's grave. 

Let him turn and flee. 

Such, sir, are the sentiments of the Democracy of 

Massachusetts — are the sentiments, I believe, of the party 

in every state of the Union. We want no skulkers in 

our ranks ; no traitors in our camp. We are here to 

day to select a leader. Let us select a candidate who 

has all the elements of success. We cannot afford to 

take any risks. We need a leader who can inspire the 

Democracy in every doubtful state with courage, with 

enthusiasm, and with the confidence that leads to 

victory. Such a man I have the honor to propose in 

the name of the Dem.ocracy of Massachusetts — General 

Benjamin F. Butler." (Tremendous cheering.) 

Jji 5jC ^ 

There were the usual speeches in seconding the 
nominations. The enthusiasm which had greeted the 
mention of Butler's name by the mass of the Northern 
delegates was evidently a surprise to the Southern men. 
They did not know just how to take it. There were no 
incidents worthy of note until just before the first ballot 
began. Then one man in the Convention suprised it. 
* 4f * 

The redoubtable Fitzgerald, of the Louisiana dele- 
gation, secured the floor for a personal explanation. 

Senator Vest saw what was coming and tried to 
prevent him speaking on a point of order. 
^ The chair sustained Fitzgerald. 

The assemblage waited- 



84 The National Democratic Convention. 

"Mr. President," said the New Orleans leader, " I rise 
on behalf of the Louisiana delegation to repel any assault 
on its loyalty to the Democratic party, and to state — 
with the full concurrence of my colleagues — that the 
Democracy of Louisiana pledge their support and confi- 
dence to any gentleman nominated by this Convention." 

The uproar was deafening ; cheers and hisses fought 
for supremacy. The cheers had it. The importance of 
the episode was hardly appreciated at the time ; its im- 
mediate effect was to silence at the beginning, the state- 
ment that the Louisiana delegation stood pledged as a 
unit to leave the convention in the event of Butler's 
nomination. Fitzgerald's words produced marked and 
boisterous confidence among the ranks of the Butler 
supporters, and they now made boasts that their man 
would be nominated on the second ballot. 

The friends of McDonald and Bayard had one ray 
of hope and that was that the Butler line, after the first 
ballot, would begin to weaken, and that delegates with 
individual preferences, would be found to desert the 
cause of the Massachusetts Statesman. 

There was an attempt made to postpone the balloting, 
but the great majority wanted to get a test of strength, 
and the convention — after one or two other little 
episodes — proceeded with its work of choosing a Demo- 
cratic candidate for the presidency of the United States. 

The first ballot began. There was an intense — al- 
most painful — absence of noisy excitement during the 
call of the States. Finally the count was finished and 
officially announced. The first ballot was as follows : 



The National Democratic Convention. 



85 



THE FIRST BALLOT. 



STATES. 




«§ 




! 




1 


5S 


Alabama 


20 

14 
16 

6 
12 

6 

8 
24 
44 
SO 
26 
18 
26 
16 
14 
16 
28 
26 
14 
16 
32 
10 

6 

8 
18 
72 
22 
46 

6 
60 

8 
18 
24 
26 
10 
24 
12 
22 




5 
4 
4 
2 

1 


7 

6 
1 


3 
2 


3 

2 

1 


2 


Arkansas 




California 


9 
4 
9 


1 


Colorado 






Connecticut 


1 
6 
1 
6 
3 






1 


Delaware 








Florida 




6 

7 

17 

18 

11 

7 

13 

8 

1 

3 


1 
5 
5 


1 
2 

4 
5 

1 
1 
1 

1 




Georgia 

Illinois 


3 

1& 
7 
9 
5 
3 
1 

11 
1 

28 

12 
7 
2 
8 
3 
3 
7 
7 

41 
1 
5 
5 

27 
7 


1 


Indiana 




Iowa 

Kansas 


3 

4 
5 
3 

1 
8 


. "2 
1 
3 
2 




Kentucky 


1 


Louisiana 


1 


Maine 


1 


Maryland 


2 


2 




Massachusetts 




Michigan 


8 
4 
6 
11 
2 
3 


3 
1 
5 
5 
2 


1 
1 
1 
3 
2 


2 

2 

3 

1 




Minnesota 


1 


Mississippi 




Missouri 


2 


Nebraska 

Nevada 




New Hampshire 


1 
3 
5 
6 
3 








New Jersey 


7 

16 

9 

8 

] 

12 






1 


New York 


1 
4 

27 


2 
3 
1 


7 


North Carolina 

Ohio 

Oregon 


2 


Pennsylvania 


8 
1 

10 
6 
8 
1 
6 
2 
2 




2 


11 


Rhode Island 






South Carolina 


5 

14 

9 


1 
1 
8 




2 


Tennessee 


3 
3 
9 
2 
2 
9 




Texas 


2 


1 


Vermont 




Virginia 


8 
6 

7 


3 
2 
2 


3 


2 


West Virginia 




Wisconsin 


1 


1 






Total 


804 


268 


242 


132 


78 


46 


33 



BECAPITTJLATION. 



Whole Number of Votes ~ 804 

Necessary to a Choice 403 

Benjamin F. Butler 26'5 

Joseph £. McDonald 242 



Thomas F. Bayard 132 

Allen G. Thurm-in 7!i 

Thomas A, Hendricks „. 46 

Samuel J. RanclalL„ 38 



86 The National Democratic Convention. 

The announcement of the result of the first ballot 
was greeted with a perfect whirlwind of cheers. It sur- 
prised everybody that there were only five states — all of 
them Southern — in which Butler had no strength. 
Massachusett's united vote was a revelation that had not 
been anticipated by the opposition to Butler, and it was 
felt that if this solid vote could not be broken, it would 
give Butler a moral support possessed by no other candi- 
date. It was seen, too, that not only was John Kelly 
casting the Tammany vote of New York City for him, 
that that doughty leader was hard at work on the rural 
members of the New York delegation for his favorite. 

The attempt of the McDonald men to gain time by 
an adjournment has been voted down, and there is an 
evident disposition on the part of the majority to keep 
matters moving. 

An Illinois delegate (Harrison) has asked leave for 
his delegation to retire for consultation. 

There is some confusion in the galleries, and while 
this is being stopped, the Butler men find an opportu- 
nity for a brief consultation. They decide to force the 
fighting, and a motion is accordingly made to proceed 
with the second ballot. 

The Chair puts the motion and decides it lost by a 
viva voce vote. 

A division is called for. To the surprise of everybody 
the Hendricks and Thurman strength goes solidly with 
the Butler men, and the result is that the motion to pro- 
ceed with the second ballot is carried by a majority of 
sixteen. 



The National Democratic Convention. 87 



THK SECOND BALLOT. 



STATES. 




1 


1 






i 


s 


1 


00 


1 


1 


Alabama 


20 
11 
16 

6 
12 

6 

8 
24 
41 
30 
26 
18 
26 
16 
14 
16 
28 
26 
14 
16 
32 
10 

6 

8 
18 
72 
22 
46 

6 
60 

8 
18 
24 
26 
10 
21 
12 
22 


2 

1 
10 

5 
10 


6 

4 
1 
1 


9 
7 
3 


2 
2 


1 










Arkansas 












California 


2 












Colorado 













Connecticut 


2 
6 
3 
8 
5 
1 
4 
5 
8 
5 
2 
9 
















Delaware 


















Florida 


1 
4 

21 
7 

10 
5 
5 
2 

12 
2 

■28 

13 
7 
3 
9 
3 
3 
7 
7 

42 
2 

17 
5 

29 
7 


4 
7 
11 
22 
9 
5 
9 
7 














Georgia 


2 

4 


1 
1 


2 


■| 




Illinois 


1 






Indiana 






Iowa 


2 
2 
3 


;:::::.:i;:;::;:; ;;::;::: 


1 
1 






Kansas 


1 






Kentucky 


1 
1 


1 






Louisiana 


1 










Maine 






'Z'j 


Maryland 


2 




1 


1 




1 






Massachusetts 






Michigan 


8 
3 
6 
9 
4 
2 


3 
3 

7 
8 
3 
1 
1 
1 
9 
9 

10 
1 
4 
1 

10 
7 

10 


2 

1 








.... 






Minnesota 














Mississippi 














Missouri 


8 


1 


1 


1 








Nebraska 








Nevada 
















New Hampshire 






1 








New Jersey 


3 

13 
7 
8 






3 i' 

2' - 


2 


3 




New York 


i 

7 


4 
1 




North Carolina 


] 

1 


1 






Ohio 


1 




9 


Oregon 




Pennsylvania 


9 




9 


1 


6 


2 






Rhode Island , 






South Carolina 


4 
12 


2 




1 
1 

1 


1 








Tennessee 


4 

4 

10 

4 

1 

11 








Texas 


1 







1 






Vermont 






Virginia 


8 
5 
5 


9 
4 
5 


2 
2 
1 








1 






West Virginia 












Wisconsin 




























Total 


804 


313 


203 


183 


39 


23 


15 


12 


11 


3 


2 



Recapitulation. 



Whole Number of Votes. 

Necessary to a Choice 

Benjamin F, Butler 

Joseph E. McDonald , 

Thomas F. Bayard 

Allen G. Thurman 



.804 
.403 
.313 
,.203 
.183 
. 39 



Samuel J. Randall 23 

George B. McClellan 15 

William A. Wallace li 

Thomas A. Hendricks 11 

Joel Parker 3 

Frank Hurd 2 



SS The National Democratic Convention. 

The Chair : No person having received a majority 
of the whole vote cast, another ballot will be taken. 

Cries of "no!" "adjourn," "gaglaw," and cheers, 
yells, groans converted the scene into a bear garden. 

John P. Irish, of Iowa, finally succeeded in making 
his voice heard above the din, and the Chair, by pan- 
tomimic supplications, — for his voice was inaudible in 
the uproar — appealed to delegates to grant Mr. Irish a 
hearing. In a strong speech, Mr, Irish moved that the 
convention adjourn for the day. It was evident, he 
said, that in their present excited state, many of the 
delegates were unable to approach their momentous 
duties with the calmness and deliberation which the 
Democracy of the nation had a right to expect of them 
at this time. He appealed to the friends of all of the can- 
didates to support the motion to adjourn and thus save 
the convention from what might be the disastrous effects 
of unseemly precipitation. 

A member of the Ohio delegation (Mr. Wilson) 
stated that he was authorized to say that Mr. Hurd was 
not a candidate, and that any votes in his behalf were 
without his knowledge and consent. 

This raised another racket, the excited delegate 
who had first voted for Hurd trying to rise for a person- 
al explanation. 

The motion to adjourn was finally got before the 
convention and at 5.45 o'clock the convention ad- 
journed to meet at ten o'clock the next morning. 
* * * 

It is the beginning of the end ; the morning of the 



The National Democratic Convention. 89 

last day of the convention. The delegates as they take 
their places show the effects of a sleepless night, spent in 
trying to effect combinations and in making preparations 
for the final struggle. An attempt to secure the with- 
drawal of McDonald in favor of Bayard, had kept the 
friends of the latter hard at work since the adjournment. 
It has proved a partial success inasmuch as many of 
McDonald's followers have been won over to the belief 
that the Delaware Senator is the only man who has any 
chance against Butler; on the other hand the staunch 
friends of McDonald are bitterly denouncing what they 
term the treachery of the Bayard people, and the "sell- 
out" of McDonald by some of the men whom he had 
regarded as his friends. John Kelly, Cassidy, of Penn- 
sylvania, Lane, of Missouri, and Carter, of Georgia, 
have been doing noble service for Butler. The latter is 
directing his own battle by private wire from headquar- 
ters in Boston to a committee room in the building here. 
He has given some orders about the McDonald follow- 
ing, which, it has just leaked out, may have a very im- 
portant bearing on the final result of the struggle. Only 
his trusted and tried lieutenants know Butler's plan of 
battle, and they are keeping this knowledge to them- 
selves. The rank and file are well enough drilled to 
follow orders without question. All is excitement and 
nervous expectancy. The convention is called to order ; 
prayer is heard by the reporters — not by the delegates 
who, at this moment, are altogether too much excited 
to listen, and the Chair announces that the third ballot 
is now in order. 



90 



The National Democratic Convention. 



THE THIRD BALLOT. 



STATES. 




1 




1 

s 

o 


i 


1 


1 






Alabama 


20 

14 

6 

6 

2 

6 

•8 

24 

44 

30 

26 

18 

26 

16 

14 

16 

28 

26 

14 

16 

32 

10 

6 

8 

18 

72 

22 

46 

6 

60 

8 

18 

24 

26 

10 

24 

12 

22 


3 
3 

11 
5 

10 

2 

5 

29 

10 

13 

8 

6 

3 

13 

3 

28 

17 

9 

3 

17 

3 

4 

7 

8 

45 

3 

19 

5 

32 

7 

1 

6 

5 

10 

5 

3 

13 


10 

9 

4 

] 

2 

6 

3 

10 

11 

6 

7 

7 

12 

12 

1 

11 


4 

1 
1 


3 
1 










Arkansas 










California 










Colorado..... 












Connecticut 














Delaware 














Florida 


3 
5 
1 

14 
6 
3 
7 












Georgia 


2 
2 


2 








Illinois 


1 






Indiana 






Iowa 




1 








Kansas 








Kentucky 






1 






IjOuisiana .. 




1 


















Maryland 


2 












M assachusetts 












Michiffan 


7 1 
3 2 




] 
















Mississippi 


7 

13 

3 

2 

1 

5 

21 

11 

12 

1 

22 


5 
2 
4 




1 
















Nebraska 








































1 
3 
2 
3 






2 2 
1 




New York 






?, 


Ohio 


1 
11 


3 
1 


2 












.. |... 










6 






Tfhnrlp Tsland 


1 












10 
11 
13 


8 

4 
5 


2 
1 


2 
1 

1 










1 
2 






Texas 














12 
7 

7 


3 
2 

1 


1 


3 


















1 




















Total 


804 


374 


281 


87 


25 


23 


IC 


2 


2 



Whole Number of Votes 804 

Necessary to a Choice 408 

Benjamin F. Butler 374 

Thomas F. Bayard 281 

Joseph E McDonald 87 



Recapitulation. 

Allen G. Thurman 25 

William A.Wallace 23 

George B. McClellan 10 

Samuel J. Tilden 2 

Joel Parker 2 



The National Democratic Convention. 91 

It now became evident that the next ballot would de- 
cide the struggle and that victory lay between Butler and 
Bayard. If the scattering vote, added to what still stuck 
to McDonald, could be consolidated and transferred 
solidly to Bayard he was evidently the coming man. 
Everything now depended upon the disposition of 
McDonald's 87 votes. Now, however, appeared the 
secret of Butler's successful generalship. During the 
previous night when the Bayard leaders were throwing 
their whole strength into the effort to create dissatisfaction 
and distrust among the McDonald following, and to cause 
such a defection from their ranks as would nominate the 
Delaware Statesman, the Butler leaders had strict orders 
to keep hands off until the Jast moment. Now however 
they went in with a vengeance and worked on the feelings 
of the following that still proved true to McDonald. 
Indignant at what they regarded as the treacherous tactics 
of the Bayard men, the majority- — a large majority in 
fact — of the 8y delegates that had just recorded them- 
selves for McDonald boldly declared for Butler rather 
than Bayard as their second choice, and made no secret 
of their intention to transfer their allegiance, now that 
the success of their own man was out of the^juestion, to 
the Man of Massachusetts. This determination — and it 
soon became known throughout the convention — raised 
the spirits of the Butler men to fever-heat and they broke 
into repeated cheers as they pressed the struggle forward 
to the next ballot. 

The attempt to secure an adjournment was yelled down 
and finally officially defeated by a yea and nay vote of 



92 The National Democratic Convention. 

443 to 361, and thus having secured an all but final test 
of their strength, the Butler men demanded that the next 
ballot be taken at once. 

An attempt to filibuster now began but it was met with 
such stern opposition from four- fifths of the delegates 
that its projectors gave up in despair. 

A delegate from New Jersey (Farrell,) rose to a point 
of order. He was given permission to speak and then 
informed the convention that the use of General George 
B. McClellan's name was an outrage on the feelings of 
that gentleman, who was not an aspirant for any office in 
the gift of his party. 

Delegate at large Hamilton, of Maryland, rose to 
protest against the action of the chairman of his dele- 
gation whose announcement of the last ballot he 
charged with being false. 

Loud cries of "no, no," and cheers followed this 
bombshell, and after a debate on a suspension of the 
rules to allow of polling the delegation, Hamilton car- 
ried his point. The original vote proved to be right. 

Mr. Hamilton made a brief speech apologizing for 
his language. " I am sure," said he, " that the men of 
Maryland have too much at stake not to do their 
whole duty to the party at this critical hour of its 
history." 

His remarks were greeted with loud cheers and 
cries of " oh " and hisses. The convention at last 
got down to business, and amid the profoundest silence 
that had prevailed since the convention assembled the 
fourth and final ballot began : 



The National Democratic Convention. 93 



THE FOURTH BALLOT. 



STATES. 



Alabama 

Arkansas 

California 

Colorado 

Connecticut- 
Delaware 

Florida 

Georgia 

Illinois 

Indiana 

Iowa , 



Kansas 

Kentucky- 
Louisiana., 
Maine. 



Ohio 

Oregon 

Pennsylvania.... 

Rhode Island 

South Carolina. 

Tennessee 

Texas 

Vermont 

Virginia 

West Virginia.... 
Wisconsin 



Total. 



20 
14 
16 
6 
12 
6 
8 
24 
44 
SO 
26 
18 
26 
16 
14 

Maryland \ ^^ 

Massachusetts , ^° 

Michigan ! fj 

Minnesota ^* 

Mississippi > 

Missouri 

Nebraska 

Nevada 

New Hampshire 

New Jersey 

New York • 

North Carolina 



6 

60 
8 
18 
24 
26 
10 
24 
12 
22 






3 

6 

29 
18 
14 
10 

7 

5 
13 

4 
28 
16 

9 

5 
17 

6 

4 

7 
11 
46 

7 
26 

6 
35 

8 

5 
10 

9 

10 



3 
14 



24 



804 432 354 12 4 



Whole Number of Votes 804 

Necessary to a Choice 403 

Benjamin F. Butler 432 



Recapitulation. 

Thomas F. Bayard 35| 

Joseph E. McDonald l- 

Allen G. Thurman * 



William A. Wallace 2 



94 The National Democratic Convention. 

The Chair : " Benjamin F. Butler having received 
a majority of all the votes cast is therefore the nominee 
of the Democratic party for president of the United 
States." 

No such a spectacle was ever witnessed in a conven- 
tion. The New England delegates who had supported 
Butler, fairly wept for joy and embraced each other. 
There was no such thing as preserving order. The Chair 
wisely let the convention have full swing for its rejoice- 
ing. Suddenly one of the Alabama delegates, who had 
evidently lost his head, jumped on the platform and 
shouted : " Southern delegates who protest against this 
outrage, follow me." Haifa dozen rose to their feet, but 
a mighty shout of '* Shame! Traitors!" from the voices 
of 800 delegates and of 7000 spectators, made them sink 
back again disgraced and abashed. 

Springing to his feet, Henry Watterson, moved 
to make the nomination unanimous, and in a ringing 
speech pledged the Kentucky Democracy to stand by the 
" * Savior of Massachusetts.' Let it not be said — and 
I am sure as a Southern man there will be no cause 
to say it — that any delegate honored by the Democracy 
of a Southern state, disgraced himself and his party by 
refusing loyal support to the man nominated for presi- 
dent by the Democracy of the Union. I can say, 
now that the struggle is ended, that we have nomi- 
nated a candidate who, if elected — who when elected, 
as he will be — will take his seat, and " — the remainder 
of the sentence was lost in the burst of applause that 
followed* 



The National Democratic Convention. 95 

John P. Irish of Iowa seconded the motion and pre- 
dicted the triumphant election of General Butler. 

The motion was put, and the one or two dissenting 
voices not being heard in the storm of cheers which 
followed the vast shout of "Aye," it was formally an- 
nounced that Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, 
had been unanimously nominated for President by the 
Democratic party in national convention assembled. 



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